REESE  LIBRARY 

OF  THE 

UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA. 
Class 


HISTORY 


OF    THE 


SHAVNEE  INDIANS, 


FROM  THE  YEAR  1681  TO  1854,  INCLUSIVE, 


BY 

HENRY   HARVEY: 

A    MEMBER    OF   T  II  E   RELIGIOUS   SOCIETY    OF   FRIENDS. 


r    ":  "    \\ 

Y\ 


U  D  S 
CINCINNATI: 

EPHRATM  MORGAN   &  SONS 
1855. 


Knterel  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1855,  by 

II  K  X  R  Y    II  A  11  V  E  Y  , 
In  the  District  Court  of  the  United  States  for  the  Southern  District  of  Ohio. 


E.   MORGAN   &  SO?>TS, 

ST  EHEOTYPERS. 


PREFACE. 


HAVING  for  a  number  of  years,  been  engaged  to  carry  out 
the  views  of  the  Religious  Society  of  Friends,  in  their  en 
deavors  to  ameliorate  the  condition  of  the  Shawnee  tribe  of 
Indians,  by  imparting  to  them  a  knowledge  of  letters  and 
the  domestic  arts,  as  well  as  to  acquaint  them  with  a  know 
ledge  of  the  doctrines  and  principles  of  the  Christian  relig 
ion,  as  contained  in  the  Holy  Scriptures,  I  have  become 
very  much  attached  to  them,  on  account  of  a  near  intimacy 
with  them,  which  enabled  me  to  become  acquainted  with  the 
character  of  this  noted  and  very  interesting  people  ;  and 
being  connected  with  them  too,  at  a  time  when  one  of  those 
severe  trials  overtook  them,  of  which,  the  Indians  so  much 
complain,  more  bitterly  by  far  than  they  do  of  the  most  deso 
lating  wars,  by  which  they  have  ever  been  visited — which 
was  the  procuring  from  them  their  reservations  of  land  at 
Wapaughkonnetta  and  Hog  Creek,  in  the  State  of  Ohio, 
containing  near  one  hundred  thousand  acres. 

These  favored  spots,  they  were  warmly  attached  to,  on 
several  accounts,  the  most  prominent  of  which,  was,  that 
there  was  the  memorable  place  in  which  they  exchanged 
their  savage  life  for  a  domestic  one  ;  the  fatigue  and  uncer 
tainty  of  the  chase,  for  the  quiet  and  certain  pursuit  of  the 
plow. 

Here,  as  they  thought,  at  last  they  had  found  a  spot  where 

they  could  repose  in  security  and  in  peace  ;  but,  Oh  !  herein 

(iii  ) 


IV  PKEFACE, 

were  they  sadly  mistaken,  for,  instead  of  realizing  these 
things,  they  were  made  again  to  suffer  by  the  avaricious  dis 
position  of  a  stronger  power,  who  soon  let  them  know  that 
this  land  was  wanted  for  other  purposes,  than  for  them  and 
their  offspring  to  occupy  ;  that  the  white  people  wanted  it, 
and  must  have  it.  I  have  been  an  eye-witness  to  most  I  have 
related  in  regard  to  this  people,  and,  in  all  my  intercourse, 
have  ever  found  them  a  noble,  generous-hearted,  honest, 
and  ever-confiding  people,  of  strong  minds,  powerful  intellect, 
warmly  attached  to  their  friends,  ever  true  to  their  word  in 
matters  of  interest,  when  treated  fairly  ;  patient  under  suffer 
ing,  under  a  conviction  of  their  weak  and  helpless  condition 
as  a  nation,  in  comparison  to  that  of  the  United  States. 

Inured  as  they  have  been  for  years  past,  to  sufferings,  and 
hopeless  too  of  ever  realizing  better  days  in  this  world,  I 
have  thought  that  some  account  of  this  interesting  people 
ought  to  be  preserved  for  posterity,  in  order  that  those  who  come 
after  us  may  see  it,  when  this  once  powerful  people  will  be 
numbered  with  the  nations  that  are  not.  And,  notwithstanding 
I  arn  so  well  aware  of  my  inability  to  do  justice  to  this 
people  in  thus  taking  on  myself  the  task,  on  several  accounts, 
among  which  are,  my  want  of  the  means  of  arriving  at  all 
the  facts  respecting  their  history,  which  I  am  aware  is  not 
•within  my  reach,  and  which,  I  suppose,  cannot  be  obtained 
by  any  person  whatever,  and  also  alack  of  education — being 
but  a  very  poor  scholar,  still,  notwithstanding  ail  these 
obstacles,  so  earnest  is  my  desire  to  see  such  a  work  before 
the  public,  that  I  have  concluded  to  attempt  it  at  least,  hoping 
that  if  it  meets  the  public  eye,  it  will  be  in  a  style  that  can 
be  understood  ;  and  if  I  am  successful  thus  far,  and  can  leave 
on  the  mind  of  the  reader  such  feelings  of  attachment  for  this 


FKEFAOH.  V 

people,  and  of  commiseration  and  lasting  sympathy  as  the 
writer  of  these  pages  hopes  to  carry  with  him,  to  the  end  of 
his  days,  his  object  will  be  accomplished,  in  undertaking  the 

work. 

I  have  got  information  of  the  Shawnees,  as  far  back  as  the 
year  1682  ;  shall  quote  from  good  authority,  what  I  insert  in 
my  history,  and  in  giving  an  account  of  the  Shawnees,  shall 
have  to  quote  entire  transactions  which  took  place  with  them, 
in  connection  with  other  tribes,  (in  order  to  give  their  full 
history,)  as  well  as  their  transactions  separately,  as  a  nation. 

Whenever  anything  may  be  said  respecting  the  Religious 
Society  of.  Friends,  in  connection  with  the  Shawnees,  or,  of 
myself,  (being  a  member,)  as  an  individual,  or,  as  an  agent 
of  the  Society,  I  hope  the  reader  will  not  charge  me  with 
egotism,  but  simply  receive  what  I  say,  as  it  is  intended,  as 
nothing  but  a  history  of  events  which  are  so  intimately  con- 
nected  with  the  object  for  which  I  set  out,  that  I  must  state 
the  whole  truth,  as  it  has  come  within  my  reach,  hoping  in 
this  way,  to  make  my  work  interesting  to  the  reader. 

H.  H. 

Ninth  month,  21sf,  1855 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  I. — Character,  Manners,  and  Customs  of 
the  Indians,  by  William  Penn,  with  his  view  of 
their  Origin 11 

CHAP.  II.— Remarks  by  the  Author 22 

CHAP.  III.— William   Penn's  Letter  to  his  Friend  in 

England,  on  the  course  pursued  toward  Indians.     24 

CHAP.  IV.— Departure  of  Three  Ships,  with  Passen 
gers  for  Pennsylvania ;  and  Penn's  Letter  to  the 
Indians 26 

CHAP,  V.— Penn  lands  at  Newcastle  —  Takes  Legal 
Possession  of  the  Country,  and  holds  his  Cele 
brated  Treaty  of  1682 29 

CHAP.  VI.— Settlement  of  New   Jersey— Kindness  of 

the  Natives,  etc « 41 

CHAP.  VII.— William  Penn's  Treaty  of  1701 44 

CHAP.  VIII.— Thomas  Chalkley's  Account  of  Penn,  of 
the  Indians,  and  of  the  Shawnees  in  particular — 
Remarks  of  Doctors  Trumbull  and  Bancroft 51 

CHAP.  IX. — Treaty  with  Governor  Gordon  and  others, 

in  the  year  1715 55 

CHAP.  X. — Description  of  the  Country  (before  the 
Whites  landed,)  occupied  by  the  Indians  —  their 
Language,  etc 

CHAP.  XI. — Disagreement  among  the  Indians  settled 

by  the  Governor  of  Pennsylvania 70 

CHAP.  XII.— Indian  murdered  by  Whites  —  Arrested 

bv  order  of  William  Penn 73 

( vii  ) 


CONTENTS. 
CHAP.  XIII.— Residence  of  the  Shawnees  from  1671 

to1786 :  si 

CHAP.  XIV.—  Council  in  1786  with  the  Shawnees. . . .     86 
'~  Treaties  witk  the  Shawnees  in  1786  and 

CHAP.  XVI.—  Council  with  A.  Gamlin,  in  1790 97 

CHAP.  XVII.—  Cornplanter's  Speech  to  Gen.  Washino-- 

ton  inl791 • r.   100 

HAP.  XVIII.—  Council  with  General  Wayne HI 

JHAP.  XIX.—  Treaty  with  General  Wayne  in  1795. . .     118 
CHAP.  XX.-Shawnees  and  Delawares  visit  the  Friends 
of  Philadelphia,   and   President    Jefferson -His 
Letter  dated  1802 129 

CHAP.  XXL-  Charles  Jewit's  Treaty  in  1805 .'133 

CHAP.  XXII.— William  Hull's  Treaty  in  1808 134 

CHAP .XXIII.—  Society   of   Friends  commence    their 

Labors  for  the  Shawnees  in  1809 13g 

CHAP.  XXIV.—  Governor  Harrison  and    Tecumseh    a 

Shawnee  Chief,  1810 153 

'HAP.  XXV.— Council  at  Greenville,  1812 158 

CHAP   XXVI.-  Treaty  with  Cass  and   Me  Arthur  in 
817,  by  which  the  Shawnees  receive  land  at  Wa- 
paughkonnetta— Names  of  these  Shawnees,  heads 
of  Families g 

CHAP.  XXVII.— Situation  of  the  Shawnees  in  1809- 
Account  of  their  Hunts,  Trapping  Prowess,  Man- 

r  of  Life,  Superstition,  etc !G4 

CHAP.  XXVIII.— Narrative  respecting  a  Shawnee  Wo- 
man,  who  was  condemned  to  a  cruel  Death  by 
the  Council,  in  1819,  and  who  was  saved  by  Isaac 
Harvey  . . 

* 169 


CONTENTS. 

CHAP.  XXIX.— Treaty  with  Missouri  Shawnees,  by 
which  they  procure  Fifty  Miles  square  oa-  Kanzas 

River— Treaty  held  at  St.  Louis,  1825 184 

CHAP  XXX.—  Author  takes  charge  of  Friends'  Mis 
sion  at  Wapaughkonnetta,  1830  -  Death  and 
Burial  of  the  Old  and  Celebrated  Chief,  Black- 
hoof,  in  1831 1: 

CHAP  XXXI.— Treaty  with  Gardner— Shawnees  De 
frauded—Ask  the  aid  of  the  Friends  —  Speech 

of  Way  weleapy  on  the  occasion 1 

CHAP.  XXXII.  —  The  Society  send  a  Deputation  with 
the  Chiefs  to  Washington  City,  in  1831  — The 

result  of  their  labors  at  that  time 2 

CHAP.  XXXIII.  —  Shawnees  suffer  for  Food— Relieved 

by  Governor  Cass,  in  1832 215 

CHAP.  XXXIV.  —  Terms  offered  by  Gardner  for  the 
Shawnees'  land  in  Ohio— Compared  with  what 

they  actually  receive  underlie  treaty 221 

CHAP.  XXXV.— Shawnees  remove  to  their  new  homes 

jn  1832— Account  of  their  leaving  Ohio 230 

CHAP    XXXVI.  —  Author,  in  company  with  two  other  . 
Friends,  visits  them  in  1833,  and  with  one  other, 

again  in  1834 

CHAP  XXXVII.  —  The  Secretary  of  War,  whose  duty 
it  was  to  pay  to  the  Shawnees  the  money 
allowed  by  act  of  Congress  "  as  an  additional 
compensation  for  their  Ohio  lands,  refused  pay 
ment,  but  on  application  being  made  in  1835,  Con- 
gress  orders  the  money  then  due  to  be  paid  le 

Indians 

CHAP.  XXXVIII.— Three  Missions  set  up  about  1835, 

for  the  instruction  of  the  Shawnees 239 

CHAP.  XXXIX.  —  Author  takes  charge  of  the  Friends' 

Mission  in   the  year  1840 241 


CONTENTS. 

CHAP.  XL.  — Attempt  to  obtain  land  of  the  Shawuees 

for  the  Wyandots 242 

CHAP.  XLI. —  Author  leaves  with  his  family  in  1842 

Parting  scene  on  the  occasion 250 

CHAP.  XLII.  —  Remarks  of  Author  on  the  subject  of 

Treaties    with  Indian  tribes 268 

CHAP.  XLIIL  —  Letter  from  Chiefs  to  the  Commis 
sioners  of  the  United  States  in  1793 260 

CHAP.  XLIV.  —  Congress  grants  to  the  Shawnees  the 
additional  sum  of  $66,000  in  1853,  for  their  Ohio 
lands 267 

CHAP.  XLV.  — -  Condition  of  the  Shawnees  in  the  year 
1854,  by  the  Author,  from  personal  knowledge 
of  them,  and  of  their  Country 269 

CHAP.  LXVI.  —  Attempt  to  again  purchase  the  Shaw 
nees'  land  — Remarks  of  Author  on  the  subject  of 
again  disturbing  them  in  this  way 275 

CHAP.  XL VII.  —  Condition  of  the  Missions  among  the 
Shawnees  in  1854  —  Author's  views  in  regard  to 
Slaves  at  some  of  those  Missions 280 

CHAP  XLVIII.  —  Constitution  adopted  by  the  Shaw 
nees  —  Speeches  on  the  occasion,  by  Chiefs 283 

CHAP.  XLIX.  —  Remarks  of  Author  on  the  subject  of 

again  removing  the  Shawnees 297 

CHAP.  L.  —  Conversation  between  an  Educated  Indian 
and  a  Southern  Missionary,  on  the  subject  of 
Slaves  at  Missions 299 

CHAP.  LI.  —  Account  of  Cornstalk  and  Logan — Indian 

Chiefs  —  Their  untimely  end 306 

CHAP.  LIT.  —  Council  with  Shawnees  for  the  purchase 

of  their  laud —  The  Result 310 

CHAP.  LIII.  —  Account  of  an  Osage  Wedding 314 


HISTORY 


OF   THE 


SHAWNEE    INDIANS, 


CHAPTER  I. 

THE  character  of  the  native  Indians,  their  customs 
and  manners,  in  an  uncultivated  state,  I  apprehend, 
is,  at  all  times,  interesting  to  those  who  are  now  filling 
the  places  of  these  poor  creatures  in  this  rich  and 
fertile  land;  and  having  been  acquainted  with  several 
tribes  which  have  had  an  opportunity  of  becoming 
civilized,  and  finding  that  the  character  given  by 
Wm.  Penn,  of  the  Indians  in  his  day,  agrees  so  well 
with  the  character  of  the  uncultivated  Indians  of  the 
present  time,  and  as  the  Shawnees  were  one  of  the 
tribes  with  whom  he  had  connection,  and  with 
whom  he  formed  his  celebrated  treaty  in  1682,  I 
have  concluded  to  insert  entire,  his  account  of  the 
character,  manners  and  customs  of  the  Indians.  I 
may  remark,  that  so  far  as  I  am  acquainted  with  the 
Indians,  they  have  dispensed  with  the  office  or  title 
of  king,  and  a  head  chief  rules  each  nation,  who  is 
very  much  of  a  monarch  ;  his  word  or  command 
being  considered  absolute. 

(11) 


12  BISTORT    OF    THB 

Wm.  Perm,  says  :  "  The  natives,  I  shall  consider, 
in  their  persons,  language,  manners,  religion  arid 
government,  with  my  sense  of  their  original.  For  their 
persons,  they  are  generally  tall,  straight,  well  built, 
and  of  singular  proportions.  They  tread  strong  and 
clever,  and  mostly  walk  with  a  lofty  chin  ;  of  com 
plexion,  dark,  but  by  design,  as  the  gipsies  in  Eng 
land.  They  grease  themselves  with  bears'  oil  clari 
fied  ;  and,  using  no  defense  against  sun  or  weather) 
their  skins  must  needs  be  swarthy.  Their  eye  is 
little  and  black,  not  unlike  a  straight  Jew  ;  the  thick 
lip  and  flat  nose",  so  frequent  with  the  East  Indian 
and  the  blacks,  are  not  common  to  them,  for  I  hav^ 
seen  as  comely  European-like  faces  among  them,  of 
both  sexes,  as  on  the  other  side  the  sea  ;  and  truly 
an  Italian  complexion  hath  not  much  more  of  the 
white,  and  the  nose  of  many  of  them  has  much  of 
the  Roman. 

"  Their  language  is  lofty,  yet  narrow  ;  but  like  the 
Hebrew,  in  signification,  full,  like  short-hand  in  writ 
ing,  one  word  serveth  in  the  place  of  three,  and  the 
rest  are  supplied  by  the  understanding  of  the  hearer; 
imperfect  in  their  tenses,  wanting  in  their  moods,  par 
ticiples,  adverbs,  conjunctions.  I  have  made  it  my 
business  to  understand  the  language,  that  I  might  not 
want  an  interpreter  on  any  business,  and  I  must  say, 
that  I  know  not  a  language  spoken  in  Europe,  that  hath 
words  of  more  sweetness  or  greatness,  in  accent  and 
emphasis,  than  theirs.  For  instance: — Oc-to-co-chan, 
Kan-co-cas,  Orie-ton,  Shack,  Po-ques-can,  all  which 
are  names  of  places,  and  have  grandeur  in  them. 


gHAWNEE    INDIANS.      . 

"Of  words  of  sweetness,  Anna  is  mother ;  Issemas, 
is  brother ;  Nit-cap,  is  friend  ;  Ur-gue-vut,  is  very 
good;  Pa-ne,  is  bread;  Metsa,  eat;  Mettah-ne-Hattah, 
to  have  ;  Paya-ta-camis,  Sa-pas-sin,  Pas-se-gan,  the 
names  of  places.  Tar-ma-nee,  Se-ca-ne,  Ma-nau-se, 
Sa-ca-to-rious,  are  the  names  of  persons. 

-If  one  ask  them  for  anything  which  they  have  not, 
they  will  answer,  'Mettah-ne-hattah,'  which,  to  tran 
slate,  means,  is  not  I  have,  instead  of  I  have  not. 

«  Of  their  manners  and  customs,  there  is  much  to 
be  said.     I  will  begin  with  children.    So  soon  as  they 
are  born,  they  wash  them  in  water,  and  while  very 
young,  and  in  cold  weather  to  choose,  they  plunge 
them°in  the  river,   to  harden  and  embolden  them. 
Having  wrapped  them  in  a  cloth,  they  lay  them  on  a 
straight  thin  board,  a  little  more  than  the  length  and 
breadth  of  the  child,  and  swaddle  it  first  upon  the 
board,  to  make  it  straight— wherefore  all  Indians  have 
flat  "heads— and  thus  they  carry  them  at  their  backs. 
The  children  will  go  very  young,  at  nine  months  old, 
commonly;  they  use  only  a  small  cloth  round  their 
waist,  till  they  are  large ;  if  boys,  they  go  a  fishing, 
till  ripe  for  the  woods,  which  is  about  fifteen  ;  then 
they  hunt,  and  after  giving  some  proofs  of  their  man 
hood,  by  a  good  return  of  skins,  they  may  marry, 
else  it  is  a  shame  to  think  of  a  wife.     The  girls  stay 
<yith  their  mothers,  and  help  to  hoe  the  ground,  plant 
«orn,  and  carry  burthens  ;  and  they  do  well  to  use 
vhem  young,  which  they  must  do  when  they  are  old, 
for  the  wives  are  thetrue  servants  of  the  husbands ; 
otherwise,  the  men  are  very  affectionate  to  them. 


14  HI.STORT  OF  THE 

"When  the  young  women  are  fit  for  marriage, 
they  wear  something  on  their  heads  for  an  advertise 
ment,  but  so  as  their  faces  are  hardly  to  be  seen 
but  when  they  please.  The  age  they  marry  at,  if 
women,  is  about  thirteen  or  fourteen  ;  if  boys,  seven 
teen  or  eighteen ;  they  are  seldom  older. 

:<  Their  houses  are  mats,  or  bark  of  trees,  set  on 
poles,  in  the  fashion  of  English  barns,  out  of  the 
power  of  winds,  for  they  are  hardly  higher  than  a 
man  ;  they  lie  on  reeds  or  grass ;  in  traveling,  they  lie 
in  the  woods,  about  a  great  fire,  with  the  mantle  of 
duffles  they  wear  by  day,  wrapped  about  them,  and 
a  few  boughs  stuck  around  them. 

"  Their  diet  is  maize,  or  Indian  corn,  divers  ways 
prepared  ;  sometimes  roasted  in  the  ashes,  sometimes 
beaten,  and  boiled  with  water,  which  they  call  ho 
miny  ;  they  also  make  cakes,  not  unpleasant  to  eat ; 
they  have  likewise  several  sorts  of  beans  and  peas, 
that  are  good  nourishment,  and  the  woods  and  rivers 
are  their  larder. 

"  If  a  European  comes  to  see  them,  or  calls  for 
lodging  at  their  house  or  wigwam,  they  give  him  the 
best  place,  and  the  first  cut.  If  they  come  to  visit  us, 
they  salute  us  with  an  '  Itah.'  which  is  as  much  as  to 
say,  good  be  to  you,  and  set  them  down,  which  is 
generally  on  the  ground  ;  it  may  be  they  speak  not 
a  word,  but  observe  all  that  is  passing.  If  you  give 
them  anything  to  eat  or  drink,  well,  for  they  will 
not  ask ;  and  be  it  little  or  much,  if  it  be  with  kind 
ness,  they  are  well  pleased,  else  they  go  away  sullen, 
but  say  nothing. 


6HAWNEE    INDIANS. 


"  They  are  great  concealers  of  their  own  resent 
ment,  brought  to  it,  I  believe,  by  the  revenge  that 
hath  been  practiced  among  them  ;  in  either  of  these, 
they  are  not  exceeded  by  the  Italians. 

"  But  in  liberality  they  excel,  nothing  is  too  good 
to  set  for  a  friend ;  give  them   a  fine  gun,  coat,  or 
other  thing,  it  may  pass  twenty  hands  before  it  sticks; 
light  of  heart,  strong  affections,  but  soon  spent.    The 
most  merry  creatures  that  live  ;  they  feast  and  dance 
perpetually,    almost;   they   never   have   much,    nor 
want  much  ;  wealth   circulated!  like  the  blood,   all 
parties  partake,  and  none  shall  want  what  another 
hath,  yet  exact  observers  of  property.     Some  kings 
sold,  others  presented  me  with  several  tracts  of  land  ; 
the  pay  or  presents  I  made  them  were  not  hoarded 
by  the' particular  owners,  but  the  neighboring  kings 
and  their  clans  being  present  when  the  goods  were 
brought  out,  the  parties  chiefly  consulted  what  and  to 
whom  they  should  give  them.     To  every  king,  then, 
by  the  hands  of  a  person  for  that  work  appointed,  is 
a  portion  sent,  so  sorted  and  folded,  and  with  that 
gravity  which  is  admirable.     Then  the  king  subdi 
vides  it  in   like    manner   among   his  subjects,  they 
hardly  leaving  themselves  an  equal  share  with  one 
of  their  subjects,  and  be  it  on  such  occasions  as  fes 
tivals,  or  at  their  common  meals,  the  kings  distribute, 
and  to  themselves  last.     They  care  for  little,  because 
they  want  but  little,  and  the  reason  is,  a  little  contents 
them;  in  this,  they  sufficiently  revenge  on  us  ;  if  they 
are  ignorant  of  our  pleasures,   they  are   free  from 
our  pains. 


16 


HISTORY    OF    THE 


14  They  are  not  disquieted  with  bills  of  lading  and 
exchange,  nor  perplexed  with  chancery  suits  and  ex 
chequer  reckonings.  We  sweat  and  toil  to  live;  their 
pleasure  feeds  them,  I  mean  their  hunting,  fishing, 
and  fowling,  and  this-  table  is  spread  everywhere  ; 
they  eat  twice  a  day,  morning  and  evening ;  their 
tables  and  seats  are  the  ground.  Since  the  Europeans 
came  into  these  parts,  they  are  grown  great  lovers 
of  strong  drink,  rum  especially,  and  for  it  exchange 
the  richest  of  their  skins  and  furs.  If  they  are 
heated  with  liquor,  they  are  restless  till  they  have 
enough  to  sleep  ;  that  is,  their  cry,  some  more,  and 
I  will  go  to  sleep ;  but  when  drunk,  one  of  the  most 
wretched  spectacles  in  the  world. 

"  In  sickness,  impatient  to  be  cured,  and  for  it  give 
everything,  especially  for  their  children,  to  whom 
they  are  extremely  natural.  They  drink  at  those 
times  a  teran,  or  concoction  of  some  roots,  in  spring 
water  ;  and  if  they  eat  any  flesh,  it  must  be  the  fe 
male  of  any  creature.  If  they  die,  they  bury  them 
with  their  apparel,  be  they  men  or  women,  and  the 
nearest  of  kin  fling  in  something  precious  with  them, 
as  a  token  of  their  love  ;  their  mourning  is  blacking 
of  their  faces,  which  they  continue  for  a  year ;  they 
are  choice  of  the  graves  of  their  dead,  lest  they  should 
be  lost  by  time,  and  fall  to  common  use  ;  they  pick 
off  the  grass  that  grows  upon  thefn,  and  heap  up 
the  fallen  earth  with  great  care  and  exactness. 

"  These  poor  people  are  under  a  dark  night  in 
things  relating  to  religion,  to  be  sure  the  traditions  of 
it  they  have  only,  yet  they  believe  in  a  God  and 


fiHAWNEK    INDIANS.  17 

immortality,  without  the  help  of  metaphysics ;  for, 
say  they,  there  is  a  great  King  that  made  them,  who 
dwells  in  a  glorious  country  to  the  southward  of  them, 
and  that  the  souls  of  the  good  shall  go  thither,  where 
they  shall  live  again.  Their  worship  consists  of  two 
parts,  Sacrifice  and  Cantico;  their  sacrifice  is  their  first 
fruits ;  the  first  and  the  fattest  buck  they  kill  goeth  to 
the  fire,  where  he  is  all  burnt,  with  a  mournful  ditty 
of  him  that  performeth  the  ceremony,  but  with  such 
marvelous  fervency  and  labor  of  body  that  they  will 
even  sweat  to  a  foam.  The  other  part  is  their  Cantico, 
performed  by  round  dances,  sometimes  words,  some 
times  songs,  then  shouts ;  two  being  in  the  middle, 
that  begin,  and  by  singing  and  drumming  on  a 
board,  direct  the  chorus. 

"  Their  postures  in  the  dance  are  very  antique  and 
differing,  but  all  keep  measure.  This  is  done 
with  equal  earnestness  and  labor,  but  great  appear 
ances  of  joy.  In  the  fall,  when  the  corn  cometh  in, 
they  begin  to  feast  one  another  ;  there  have  been  two 
great  festivals  already,  to  which  all  come  that  would; 
I  was  at  one  myself.  Their  entertainment  was  a 
great  seat  by  a  spring,  under  some  shady  trees,  and 
twenty  fat  bucks  with  hot  cakes  of  new  corn,  both 
wheat  and  beans,  which  they  make  up  in  square  form, 
in  the  leaves  of  the  stem,  and  bake  them  in  the  ashes ; 
and  after  that,  they  fall  to  dancing.  But  they  that 
go  must  carry  a  small  present,  in  their  money ;  it  may 
be  sixpence  ;  which  is  made  of  the  bone  of  a  fish ;  the 
black  is  with  them  as  gold,  the  white  silver,  they  call 
it  all  wampum. 
2 


18  HISTORY    OF    THJfi 

"  Their  government  is  by  kings,  which  they  call 
sackema,  and  those  reign  by  succession,  but  always  of 
the  mother's  side :  for  instance,  the  children  of  him 
who  is  now  king,  will  not  succeed,  but  his  brother,  by 
the  mother,  or  the  children  of  his  sister,  whose  sons 
(and  after  them,  the  children  of  her  daughter,)  will 
reign,  for  no  woman  inherits.  The  reason  they  render 
for  this  way  of  descent,  is,  that  their  issue  may  not 
be  spurious. 

"Every  king  hath  his  council,  and  that  consists 
of  all  the  old  and  wise  men  of  his  nation,  which  num 
ber,  perhaps,  two  hundred  people ;  nothing  of  mo 
ment  is  undertaken,  be  it  war  or  peace,  selling  of 
land  or  traffic,  without  advising  with  them,'  and,  which 
is  more,  with  the  young  men  too.  It  is  admirable  to 
consider  how  powerful  the  kings  are,  and  yet  how 
they'  move  by  the  breath  of  their  people.  I  have 
had  occasion  to  be  in  council  with  them,  upon  treaties 
for  land,  and  to  adjust  the  terms  of  trade  ;  their 
order  is  this :— The  king  sits  in  the  middle  of  a  half 
moon,  and  has  his  council,  the  old  and  wise  on  each 
hand ;  behind  them,  at  a  little  distance,  sit  the 
younger  part,  in  the  same  figures.  Having  con 
sulted  and  resolved  their  business,  the  king  ordered 
one  of  them  to  speak  to  me  ;  he  stood  up,  came  to 
me,  and  in  the  name  of  his  king  saluted  me,  then 
took  me  by  the  hand  and  told  me  that  'he  was  ordered 
by  his  king  to  speak  to  me,  and  now  it  was  not  he 
but  the  king  that  spoke,  because  what  he  should 
say,  was  the  king's  mind.'  He  first  prayed  me  to 
excuse  them  that  they  had  not  complied  with  me  the 


BHAWNEE    INDIANS.  19 

last  time  ;  he  feared  there  might  be  some  fault  in  the 
interpreter,  being  neither  Indian  nor  English,  beside, 
it  was  the  Indian  custom  to  deliberate,  and  take  up 
much  time  in  council,  before  they  resolved,  and  that 
if  the  young  people  and  owners  of  the  land  had  been 
as  ready  as  he,  I  had  not  met  with  so  much  delay. 
Having  thus  introduced  his  matter,  he  fell  to  the 
bounds  of  the  land  they  had  agreed  to  dispose  of, 
and  the  price,  which  is  little  and  dear,  that  which 
would  have  bought  twenty  miles,  not  buying  now 
two.  During  the  time  that  this  person  spoke,  not  a 
man  of  them  was  observed  to  whisper  or  smile,  the 
old  were  grave,  the  young  reverend  in  their  deport 
ment  ;  they  speak  little,  but  fervently,  and  with 
elegance.  I  have  never  seen  more  natural  sagacity, 
considering  them  without  (I  was  going  to  say,)  the 
spoil  of  tradition  ;  and  he  will  deserve  the  name  'man,' 
that  outwits  them,  in  any  treaty  about  a  thing  which 
they  understand.  When  the  purchase  was  agreed 
on,  great  promises  were  made,  on  both  sides,  of  kind 
ness,  and  good  neighborhood,  and  that  the  English 
and  Indians  must  live  in  love,  as  long  as  the  sun 
gave  light;  which  done,  another  made  a  speech  to 
the  Indians,  in  the  name  of  all  the  Sachamahens  or 
kings,  first,  to  tell  them  what  was  done ;  next,  to 
"charge  and  command  them  to  love  the  Christians, 
and  particularly  live  in  peace  with  me,  and  the  people 
under  my  government.  That  many  governors  had 
been  in  the  river,  but  that  no  governor  had  come 
himself  to  live  and  stay  here  before  ;  and  having  now 
such  a  one  that  treated  them  so  well,  they  should  never 


20  HISTORY    OF    THE 

* 

do  him  or  his  people  any  wrong.     At  every  sentence 
of  which,  they  shouted,  and  said  Amen,  in  their  way. 

"  The  justice  they  have  is  pecuniary;  in  case  of 
any  wrong  or  evil  fact,  be  it  murder  itself,  they  atone 
by  feasts  and  presents  of  their  wampum,  which  is 
proportioned  to  the  offense,  or  person  injured,  or  of 
the  sex  they  are  of;  for,  in  case  they  kill  a  woman,  they 
pay  double,  and  the  reason  they  render,  is  that  she 
can  raise  children,  which  men  cannot  do.  It  is  rare 
that  they  fall  out  if  sober ;  and  if  drunk,  forgive  it, 
saying,  'it  was  the  drink,  and  not  the  man/  that 
abused  them. 

"  We  have  agreed,  that  in  all  differences  between 
us,  six  of  each  side  shall  settle  the  matter.  Do  not 
abuse  them,  but  let  them  have  justice,  and  you  win 
them ,  the  worst  is,  that  they  are  the  worse  for  the 
Christians*,  who  have  jyopagated  their  views,  and 
yielded  them  tradition  for  ill,  and  not  for  good  things; 
but  as  low  an  ebb  as  these  people  are  at,  and  as  in 
glorious  as  their  own  condition  looks,  the  Christians 
have  not  outlived  their  right,  with  all  the  pretensions 
to  a  higher  manifestation  ;  what  good  then  might  not 
a  good  people  engraft,  where  there  is  so  distant  a 
knowledge  left  between  good  and  evil. 

"  I  beseech  God  to  incline  the  hearts  of  all  that 
come  into  these  parts,  to  outlive  the  knowledge  of  the* 
natives,  by  fixed  obedience  to  their  greater  knowledge 
of  the  will  of  God,  for  it  were  miserable,  indeed,  for 
us  to  fall  under  the  just  censure  of  the  poor  Indians' 
consciences,  while  we  make  profession  of  things  so 
far  transcending. 


SHAWNKB    INDIANS. 

«  For  their  original,  I  am  ready  to  believe  them 
of  the  Jewish  race  ;  I  mean  of  the  stock  of  the  ten 
tribes,  and  that  for  the  following  reasons  :  First,  they 
were  to  go  to  a  land  not  planted  or  known,  which  to 
be  sure,  Asia  and  Africa  were,  if  not  Europe,  and 
he  that  intended  that  extraordinary  judgment  upon 
them,  might  make  the  passage  not  uneasy  to  them, 
as  it  is  not  impossible  in  itself,  from  the  easternmost 
part  of  Asia,  to  the  westernmost  part  of  America. 
In  the  next  place,  I  find  them  of  like  countenance, 
and  their  children  of  so  lively  resemblance,  that  a 
man  would  think  himself  in  Dukes'  Place,  or  in  Berry 
Street,  in  London,  when  he  seeth  them  ;  but  this  is 
not  all :  they  agree  in  rites;  they  reckon  by  moons  ; 
they  offer  their  first  fruits ;  they  have  a  kind  of  feast 
of  tabernacles;  .they  are  said  to  lay  their  altar  upon 
twelve  stones;  their  mourning  a  year;  customs  of 
women,  with  many  other  things  that  do  not  now 
occur."— History  from  the  year  1681,  to  the  year 
1701. 


HISTORY    OF    THK 


CHAPTER  II.   - 

HAVING  thus  given  place  to  the  character,  manners 
and  customs  of  the  Indians,  by  the  celebrated  William 
Penn,  as  well  as  to  his  opinion  of  their  origin,  (which 
no  one  who  is  acquainted  with  the  manners  and  cus 
toms  of  the  Indians  of  the  present  day  who  are  in  their 
uncultivated  state,  will  question,)  I  shall  give  some 
account  of  Penn's  treaty ;  and  this  seems  to  be  the 
first  authentic  account  we  have  of  any  intercourse 
between  the  Shawnees  and  the  whites,  except  that 
mention  is  made  by  a  writer  on  the  subject,  who  says 
that  originally  the  Sac  and  Fox  Indians  occupied  the 
country  (with  the  Shawnees,)  south-west  of  the  Mis- 
souri,  from  Green  Bay  and  Fox  River,  to  the  Mississippi, 
and  hunted  over  the  land  between  the  Wisconsin  and 
the  upper  branches  of  the  Illinois ;  and  that  the  Shaw 
nees  are  said  to  have  affinity  with  these  nations,  which 
would  lead  to  the  conclusion  that  they  were  inhabitants 
of  that  country  previously  to  their  living  within  what  is 
now  the  limits  of  Pennsylvania,  which  I  am  inclined 
to  believe,  from  the  fact  that  they  £peak  the  same 
language  of  the  Sacs  and  Fox  Indians.  It  seems 
that  they  had  removed  their  residence  to  Pennsyl 
vania  previous  to  the  year  1682,  as  they  were  a 
party  to  the  treaty  of  William  Penn,  of  that  date, 


6HAWNEK    INDIANS. 

Thus  I  consider  the  first  reliable  historical  account 
we  have  of  the  Shawnees,  may  be  traced  to  that 
period,  and  as  they  were  at  that  treaty,  and  that,  too, 
the  first  treaty  they  ever  attended,  which  we  have 
any  account  of,  I  shall  insert  here  such  authentic 
accounts  of  the  transactions  relating  thereto  as  have 
come  within  my  reach,  which  will  show  how  strict 
they  were,  in  that  early  day,  to  adhere  to  their  pro 
mises,  which  I  have  ever  found  them  strict  observers 
of,  during  my  long  and  intimate  acquaintance  with 
them. 

Although  there  were  a  number  of  tribes  repre 
sented  at  that  treaty,  still,  I  feel  justified  in  bringing 
it  into  this  work  as  a  part  of  the  History  of  the 
Shawnees,  as  much  so,  indeed,  as  if  they  were  the 
only  tribe  concerned  in  the  treaty. 


£4  HI8TORY    OF    THB 


CHAPTER  III. 

IN  THE  year  1681,  Wm.  Penn  wrote  to  a  particular 
friend  in  England,  as  follows : 

"  For  my  country,  (Pennsylvania,)  I  eyed  the 
Lord  in  obtaining  it,  and  more  was  I  drawn  inward 
to  look  to  him,  and  to  owe  it  more  to  his  hand  and 
power,  than  to  any  other  way.  I  have  so  obtained 
it,  and  desire  to  keep  it,  that  I  may  not  be  unworthy 
of  his  blessing  ;  but  do  that  which  may  answer  his 
kind  Providence,  and  serve  his  truth  and  people,  that 
an  example  may  be  set  up  to  the  nations;  there  may 
be  room  there,  though  not  here,  for  such  a  holy 
experiment." 

In  connection  with  my  present  subject,  and  to 
show  how  it  is  that  even  a  people  who  are  denomi 
nated  "  savages,"  may  be  overcome  with  good,  so  as  to 
do  good  themselves  to  others  with  whom  they  have 
intercourse. 

Among  certain  conditions  or  concessions  agreed 
upon  by  Wm.  Penn,  proprietor  and  governor  of  Penn 
sylvania,  and  those  who  are  the  adventurers  and 
purchasers,  I  find  the  following: 

"  Inasmuch  as  it  is  usual  with  the  planters  to 
overreach  the  poor  natives  of  the  country  in  trade, 
by  goods  not  being  good  of  the  kind,  or  debased  with 


6HAWNEE    INDIANS. 

mixtures,  with  which  they  are  sensibly  aggrieved,  it 
is  agreed  that,  whatever  is  sold  to  the  Indians,  in 
consideration  of  their  furs,  be  sold  in  the  market 
place,  and  there  suffer  the  test,  whether  good  or  bad  ; 
if  good,  to  pass ;  if  bad,  not  to  be  sold  for  good,  that 
the  Indians  may  not  be  provoked  nor  abused. 

"That  no  man  shall,  by  any  ways  or  means,  in  word 
or  deed,  affront  or  wrong  an  Indian,  but  he  shall  incur 
the  same  penalty  of  the  law  as  if  he  had  committed 
a  wrong  against  his  fellow  planter ;  and  if  any  In 
dian  shall  abuse,  in  word  or  deed,  any  planter  of  this 
province,  that  he  shall  not  be  his  own  judge  upon 
the  Indians,  but  he  shall  make  his  complaint  to  the 
governor  of  the  province,  or  his  lieutenant  or  deputy, 
or  some  inferior  magistrate  near  him,  who  shall,  to 
the  utmost  of  his  power,  take  care,  with  the  king  of 
the  said  Indians,  that  all  reasonable  satisfaction  be 
made  to  the  said  injured  planter. 

"That  all  differences  between  the  planters  and 
the  natives  shall  also  be  ended  by  twelve  men, 
that  is,  by  six  planters,  and  six  natives ;  that  so  we 
may  live  friendly  together,  as  much  as  in  us  lietb, 
preventing  all  occasions  of  heart-burnings  and  mis 
chiefs. 

"  That  the  Indians  shall  have  liberty  to  do  all 
things  relating  to  improving  of  their  ground,  and 
providing  sustenance  for  their  families,  that  any  of 
the  planters  may  enjoy." 


X 

26  HISTORY    OF    THH 


CHAPTEK    IV. 


IN  THE  Autumn  of  the  year  1681,  three  ships  full  of 
passengers  set  sail  for  Pennsylvania.  In  one  of  these, 
was  Wm.  Markham,  a  relative  of  Wm.  Penn,  and 
-whom  he  had  appointed  his  deputy  governor,  intending 
him  for  his  secretary  when  he  himself  should  arrive  in 
the  colony.  Several  commissioners  who  were  ap 
pointed  for  the  purpose  of  conferring  with  the  Indians, 
respecting  the  sale  of  their  lands,  and  to  make  with 
them  a  league  of  peace,  accompanied  Wm.  Markham. 
They  were  strongly  enjoined  to  treat  the  natives  with 
all  possible  humanity,  justice,  and  candor,  and  were 
intrusted  by  William  Penn  with  the  following  letter 
to  the  Indians,  which  deserves  the  careful  perusal  of 
the  reader,  as  it  is  remarkably  adapted  to  the  com 
prehension  of  uncultivated  minds,  and  is  character 
ized  by  much  plainness,  simplicity,  and  kindness. 

"London,  \8t7iof8tkMo.,  1681. 
"MY  FRIENDS  : — There  is  a  great  God  and  power 
that  hath  made  the  world  and  all  things  therein,  to 
whom  you,  and  I,  and  all  people,  owe  their  living  and 
well-being,  and  to  whom  you  and  I  must  one  day 
give  an  account  for  all  that  we  do  in  this  world. 
This  great  God  hath  written  his  law  in  our  hearts,  by 


BHAWJfKE    INDIANS.  27 

which  we  are  taught  and  commanded  to  love  and  help 
one  another.  Now  this  great  God  hath  been  pleased  to 
make  me  concerned  in  your  part  of  the  world ;  and 
the  king  of  the  country  where  I  live  hath  been  pleased 
to  give  me  a  great  province  therein,  but  I  desire  to 
enjoy  it  with  your  love  and  consent,  that  we  may 
always  live  together  as  brothers  and  friends,  else, 
what  would  the  great  God  do  to  us,  who  hath  made 
us,  not  to  devour  and  destroy  one  another,  but  to 
live  soberly  and  kindly  in  the  world.  Now,  I  would 
have  you  well  observe  that  I  am  very  sensible  of  the 
unkindness  and  injustice  that  hath  been  too  much 
exercised  toward  you  by  the  people  of  these  parts, 
who  have  sought  themselves,  and  to  make  great 
advantages  by  you,  rather  than  to  be  examples  of 
goodness  and  patience  unto  you,  which  I  hear  hath 
been  a  matter  of  trouble  to  you,  and  caused  your 
grudging  aud  animosity,  sometimes  to  the  shedding 
of  blood,  which  has  made  the  great  God  angry.  But 
I  am  not  such  a  man,  as  is  well  known  in  my  own 
country.  I  have  great  love  and  regard  for  you,  and 
desire  to  win  and  gain  your  love  and  friendship  *by  a 
kind,  just,  and  peaceable  life,  and  the  people  I  send 
are  of  the  same  mind,  and  shall,  in  all  things,  be 
have  themselves  accordingly;  and  if  in  anything  any 
shall  offend  you,  or  your  people,  you  shall  have  a 
speedy  satisfaction  for  the  same  by  an  equal  number 
of  just  men  on  both  sides,  that  by  no  means  you  may 
have  just  cause  of  being  against  them.  . 

"I  shall  shortly  come  to  you  myself,  at  which  time 
we  may  more  fully  confer  together  and  discourse  of 


HISTORY    OF    THE 

this  matter:  in  the  meantime  I  have  sent  my  com 
missioners  to  treat  with  you  about  land,  and  to  form 
with  you  a  firm  league  of  peace  ;  let  me  desire  you 
to  be  kind  to  them  and  their  people,  and  to  receive 
these  presents  and  tokens  which  I  have  sent  you  as  a 
token  of  my  good  will  to  you,  and  my  resolution  to 
live  justly,  peaceably,  and  friendly  with  you. 
"  I  am  your  loving  friend, 

"  WILLIAM  PENN." 


INDIANS. 


28 


CHAPTER  V. 


ON  THE  first  of  the  seventh  month,  1682,  (old 
style,)  William  Penn  landed  at  Newcastle  and  took 
leo-al  possession  of  the  country,  soon  after  which  he 
proceeded  to  Upland,  (now  Chester,)  where  he  called 
an  assembly,  which  lasted  three  days,  at  which  all 
the  laws  agreed  upon  in  England,  with  the  addition 
of  nineteen  others,  were  passed  in  due  form,  making 
in  all  fifty-nine— the  fiftieth  of  which  provided  against 
selling  or  exchanging  of  rum,  brandy,  or  strong 
liquor  of  any  kind  to  the  Indians. 

Penn  being  now  at  Coaquannuck,  (the  Indian  name 
for  the  spot  on  which  Philadelphia  now  stands,')  the 
time  had  arrived  when,  by  mutual  understanding  by 
the  Indians  and  himself,  he  was  personally  to  confirm 
a  treaty  of  peace  with  them,  and  settle  for  the  pur 
chase  of  land.  This  treaty  was  that  great  and 
memorable  one  in  which  a  firm  league  of  peace  was 
reciprocally  concluded  between  them,  and  which  has 
won  the  admiration  of  all  unprejudiced  and  thinking 
minds  as  being  a  transaction  consonant  with  human 
ity,  and  an  expansive  benevolence,  and  in  unison,  also, 
with  the  principles  of  justice  and  sound  policy,  and 
alike  worthy  the  Christian  and  statesman.  The 


30  HISTORY    OF    T^JBE 

Indian  tribes  that  met  William  Penn  at  this  famous 
treaty  are  generally  supposed  to  be  the  river  Indians. 
A  writer  observes  of  this  treaty,  that  the  authentic 
accounts  which  are  known  to  exist  of  most  of  the 
particulars  respecting  it,  are,  he  regrets  to  say,  but 
of  a  limited  kind,  of  which  the  following  speech  of 
Governor  Gordon  to  the  Indians,  at  a  treaty  held  at 
Connestoga  in  1728,  with  several  nations  of  them 
who  then  resided  in  the  Susquehanna,  is  the  most 
important. 

"  Mr  BROTHERS  : — You  have  been  faithful  to  your 
leagues  with  us.  Your  leagues  with  William  Penn 
and  his  governors  are  in  writing  on  record,  that  our 
children  and  our  children's  children  may  have  them 
in  lasting  remembrance,  and  we  know  that  you  pre 
serve  the  memory  of  those  things  amongst  you,  by 
telling  them  to  your  children,  and  they,  again,  to  the 
next  generation,  so  that  they  may  remain  strong  on 
your  "minds,  never  to  be  forgotten.  The  chief  head, 
or  strongest  links  of  this  chain,  I  find  in  these  nine, 
to  wit: 

"  1.  That  all  William  Perm's  people,  or  Christians, 
and  all  the  Indians  should  be  brethren,  as  the  child 
ren  of  one  father,  joined  together  as  one  heart,  one 
head,  and  one  body. 

"2.  That  all  paths  should  be  open  and  free  to  both 
Christians  and  Indians. 

"  3.  That  the  doors  of  the  Christians'  houses  should 
be  open  to  the  Indians,  and  the  houses  of  the  Indians 


8HAWNEE    INDIANS. 

should  be  open  to  the  Christians,  and  that  they  should 
make  each  other  welcome  as  their  friends. 

<<  4.  That  the  Christians  should  not  believe  any  false 
rumors  of  the  Indians,  nor  the  Indians  should  not 
believe  any  false  rumors  of  the  Christians,  but  should 
come  first,  as  brethren,  to  inquire  of  each  other;  and 
that  both  Christians  and  Indians,  when  they  hear 
any  such  false  rumors  of  their  brethren,  should  bury 
them  as  in  a  bottomless  pit. 

"  5.  That  if  the  Christians  hear  any  ill  news  of  the 
Indians,  that  may  be  of  hurt  to  them,  or  the  Indians 
hear  any  such  news  of  the  Christians,  that  may  be  to 
their  injury,  they  should  acquaint  each  other  with  it 
speedily,  as  true  friends  and  brethren. 

"  6.  That  the  Indians  should  do  no  manner  of  harm 
to  the  Christians,  nor  to  their  creatures;  nor  the 
Christians  do  any  harm  to  the  Indians;  but  each  to 
treat  the  other  as  brethren. 

"  7.  But  as  there  are  wicked  people  in  all  nations — 
if  either  Indians  or  Christians  should  do  any  harm 
to  each  other,  complaint  of  it  should  be  made  by  the 
person  suffering,  that  justice  might  be  done,  and 
when  satisfaction  is  made,  the  injury  or  wrong  should 
be  forgot,  and  be  buried  as  in  a  bottomless  pit. 

"  8.  That  the  Indians  should  in  all  things  assist 
the  Christians,  and  the  Christians  should  assist  the 
Indians  against  all  wicked  people  that  would  injure 
them. 

"  9.  And,  lastly,  that  both  Christians  and  Indians 
should  acquaint  their  children  with  this  league  and 


32  HISTORY    OF    THS 

firm  chain  of  friendship  made  between  them,  and 
that  it  should  always  be  kept  strong,  and  made 
stronger  and  stronger,  and  kept  bright  and  clean, 
without  rust  or  spot,  between  their  children  and  our 
children's  children,  while  creeks  and  rivers  run,  and 
while  the  sun,  moon,  and  stars  endure." 

The  nine  articles  thus  recited  by  Governor  Gordon, ' 
are,  (he  observes,)  only  the  chief  heads  of  this  trans 
action  ;  what  other  particulars  there  may  be,  to  which 
he  has  made  no  reference,  is  now  entirely  a  matter  of 
conjecture,  and  it  is  much  to  be  regretted  that,  he  did 
not  give  the  whole  account.  The  writing  on  record, 
to  which  he  alludes,  was,  no  doubt,  the  roll  of  parch 
ment  containing  the  great  treaty  of  1682,  which  was 
shown  by  the  Mingoes  and  Shawnees,  and  other 
tribes,  to  Governor  Keith,  at  a  conference  in  the  year 
J  722.  Notwithstanding  these  testimonies  to  the  exist 
ence  of  a  written  agreement  having  been  entered  into 
on  the  occasion,  it  is  said  that  some  modern  writers 
have,  nevertheless,  doubted  the  fact,  but  whether  in 
ignorance  of  the  facts  or  not,  we  cannot  say.  That 
a  written  agreement,  however,  did  about  this  time 
take  place  between  William  Penn  and  the  Indians, 
appears  to  be  further  confirmed  by  an  allusion  an 
Indian  chief  made  to  it  at  a  treaty  held  at  Philadel 
phia,  in  the  year  1742,  when,  addressing  the  Dela- 
wares,  who  were  then  present,  he  said  :  "  We  have 
seen  with  our  eyes  a  deed  signed  by  nine  of  your 
ancestors  above  fifty  years  ago,  for  this  very  land." 
At  another  time,  during  the  same  treaty  of  1742, 
the  same  chief,  on  again  referring  to  the  same 


6HA.WNEE    INDIANS.  33 

circumstance,  said :  "  Their  ancestors  had  sold  it,  by  a 
deed  under  their  hands  and  seals,  to  the  proprietory,  for 
a  valuable  consideration,  upward  of  fifty  years  ago." 
Governor  Gordon,  in  his  history  of  Pennsylvania, 
says,  that  a  copy  of  the  conference  held  at  the  making 
of  this  treaty  was  once  in  the  office  of  the  Common 
wealth  of  Pennsylvania:  since,  R.  Cunningham  as 
sures  us  that  he  discovered  an  envelop  in  a  bundle 
of  papers  there,  relating  to  the  Shawnee  Indians, 
with  the  following  indorsement:  "Minutes  of  the 
Indian  Conference,  in  relation  to  the  great  treaty  with 
William  Penn  at  the  big  tree,  Shackamaxen,  4th 
of  tenth  month,  1682."  In  order  to  obtain  more 
particular  information  on  this  subject,  Cunningham 
was  written  to  respecting  it,  who  returned  the  follow 
ing  answer :  "  The  indorsement  on  the  envelop, 
which  you  found  on  page  603  of  Gordon's  History  of 
Pennsylvania,  is  a  faithful  copy  of  the  original,  I 
believe,  at  Harrisburgh.  I  made  some  inquiry  as 
to  the  circumstances  of  its  being  thus  found  in  the 
closet,  and  received  the  following  information,  to  wit: 
Some  years  since,  the  Indian  treaties  were  transcribed 
in  a  book  for  their  better  preservation,  and  the  envelop 
of  one  of  them  was  carefully  folded  up  and  placed  in 
the  closet  with  the  historical  papers.  The  Indian 
treaty  said  to  have  been  contained  in  the  envelop,  is 
dated  June  15th,  1682,  and  was  the  result  of  a  con 
ference  held  under  the  elm  tree  at  Shackamaxen,  be 
tween  William  Markham,  (the  Commissioner  of  Wil 
liam  Penn,)  John  Bezar,  and  Nathan  Allen,  and  the 
Shackamaxen  tribes  of  Indians.  The  treaty  was  in 


34  HISTORY    OF    TUB 

the  open  air,  but  signed  in  Captain  Lassee  Cocke'a 
house,  fronting  the  Delaware  river,  in  Shackamaxen. 
The  land  granted  was  to  begin  at  a  white  oak,  on  the 
ground  in  the  tenure  of  John  Woods,  called,  by  him, 
Gray  Stone.  The  minutes  of  the  conference  in  June, 
and  also  of  those  of  the  conference  in  December, 
1682,  are  not  to  be  found." 

Most  of  the  scattered  particulars  respecting  this 
treaty  with  which  we  are  acquainted,  having  been 
collected  by  Thomas  Chalkley,  (an  approved  min 
ister  in  the  Society  of  Friends  who  lived  soon  after 
Penn,)  I  shall  give  them  as  they  are  recorded  in 
his  biography  of  William  Penn.  They  are  as  follows, 
to  wit : 

"  The  time  now  arrived  when  he  was  to  confirm 
his  treaty  with  the  Indians.  His  religious  principles, 
which  led  him  to  the  most  scrupulous  morality,  did 
not  permit  him  to  look  upon  the  king's  patent  or 
legal  permission,  according  to  the  laws  of  England, 
as  sufficient  to  establish  his  right  to  the  country  with 
out  purchasing  it  by  fair  and  open  bargains  with  the 
natives,  to  whom  it  properly  belonged.  He  had, 
therefore,  instructed  the  commissioners  who  had 
arrived  in  America  before  him,  to  buy  it  of  the  In 
dians,  and  to  make  with  them,  at  the  same  time,  a 
treaty  of  perpetual  friendship.  This  the  commis 
sioners  had  done,  and  this  was  the  time  when,  by 
mutual  agreement  between  him  and  the  Indian 
chiefs,  it  was  to  be  publicly  ratified. 

"  He  proceeded,  therefore,  accompanied  by  his 
friends,  consisting  of  men.  women,  and  young  persons, 


SHAWNEE    INDIANS.  35 

of  both  sexes,  to  Coaquannuck,  the  Indian  name  for 
the  place  where  Philadelphia  now  stands.  On  his  arri 
val  there  he  found  the  chiefs  and  their  people  there 
assembled.  They  were  seen  in  the  woods,  as  far  as 
the  eye  could  carry,  and  looked  frightful,  both  on 
account  of  numbers  and  their  arms.  The  Quakers 
are  reported  to  have  been  but  a  handful  in  compari 
son,  and  these  without  any  weapons,  so  that  dismay 
and  terror  had  come  upon  them,  had  they  not  con 
fided  in  the  justice  of  their  cause. 

"  It  is  much  to  be  regretted,  when  we  have  accounts 
of  minor  treaties  between  William  Penn  and  the 
Indians,  that  in  no  history  can  I  find  an  account  of 
this,  though  so  many  make  mention  of  it,  and  though 
all  concur  in  considering  it  the  most  glorious  in  the 
annals  of  the  world. 

"  There  are,  however,  relations  in  Indian  speeches 
and  traditions  in  Quaker  families,  descended  from 
those  who  were  present  on  the  occasion,  from  which 
we  may  learn  something  about  it.  It  appears  that, 
though  the  parties  were  to  assemble  at  Coaquannuck, 
the  treaty  was  made  a  little  higher  up,  at  Shaeka- 
maxen.  Upon  this  Kensington  now  stands,  the 
houses  of  which  may  be  considered  as  the  suburbs  of 
Philadelphia.  William  Penn  appeared  in  his  usual 
clothes.  He  had  no  crown,  scepter,  mace,  sword, 
halberd,  nor  any  insignia  of  office.  He  was  dis 
tinguished  only  by  wearing  a  sky-blue  sash  around 
his  waist,  which  was  of  silk  net-work,  and  which  was 
of  no  longer  apparent  dimensions  than  an  officer's  mil 
itary  sack,  and  much  like  it  in  color.  (This  sack,  a 


36  msTOiir  oy  THE 

few  years  since,  was  in  possession  of  Thomas  Kell, 
of  Norwich.)  On  his  right  was  Col.  Markham,  hi? 
relation  and  secretary,  and  on  his  left,  Friend  Pearson; 
after,  followed  a  train  of  Quakers.  Before  him  were 
carried  various  articles  of  merchandise,  which,  when 
they  came  near  the  Sachems,  were  spread  upon  the 
ground.  He  held  a  roll  of  parchment,  containing  the 
confirmation  of  the  treaty  of  purchase  and  amity  in 
his  hand.  One  of  the  Sachems,  who  was  the  chief 
of  them,  then  put  upon  his  own  head  a  kind  of  chap- 
let,  in  which  appeared  a  small  horn.  This,  as  among 
the  primitive  eastern  nations,  and  according  to  Scrip 
ture  language,  was  an  emblem  of  kingly  power,  and 
whenever  the  chief  who  had  a  right  to  wear  it  put  it 
on,  it  was  understood  that  the  place  was  made  sacred, 
and  the  persons  of  all  present  inviolable.  Upon 
putting  on  this  horn  the  Indians  threw  down  their 
bows  and  arrows,  and  seated  themselves  around  the 
chiefs,  in  the  form  of  a  half  moon,  upon  the  ground. 
The  chief  Sachem  then  announced  to  William  Penn, 
by  means  of  an  interpreter,  that  the  nation  was 
.ready  to  hear  him. 

"  Having  been  thus  called  upon,  he  began  :  *  The 
great  God,'  said  he,  'who  made  him  and  them,  who 
ruled  in  heaven  and  earth,  and  who  knew  the  inmost 
thoughts  of  men,  knew  that  him  and  his  friends  had 
a  hearty  desire  to  live  in  peace  with  them,  and  to 
serve  them  to  the  utmost  of  their  power.  It  was  not 
their  custom  to  use  hostile  weapons  against  their  fel 
low  creatures,  for  which  reason  they  came  unarmed. 
Their  object  was  not  to  do  injury,  and  thus  provoke 


SIIAWNKE    INDIANS.  37 

the  Great  Spirit,  but  to  do  good.  They  were  then 
met  on  the  broad  pathway  of  good  faith  and  good 
will,  so  that  no  advantage  was  to  be  taken  on  either 
side,  but  all  was  to  be  openness,  brotherhood,  and 
love/  After  these  and  other  words,  he  unrolled  the 
parchment,  and,  by  means  of  the  same  interpreter, 
conveyed  to  them,  article  by  article,  the  conditions 
of  the  purchase,  and  the  words  of  the  compact  then 
made  for  their  perpetual  union.  Among  other  things, 
even  in  the  territory  they  had  alienated,  they  were 
not  to  be  molested  in  their  lawful  pursuits — for  it 
was  to  be  common  to  them  and  the  English.  They 
were  to  have  the  same  liberty  to  do  all  things  therein, 
relating  to  the  improvement  of  their  grounds,  and 
providing  sustenance  for  their  families,  which  the 
English  had.  If  any  disputes  should  arise  between 
the  two,  they  should  be  settled  by  twelve  persons, 
half  of  whom  should  be  English  and  half  Indians. 

"He  then  paid  them  for  their  land,  and  made  them 
many  presents,  beside,  from  the  merchandise  which 
had  been  spread  before  them.  Having  done  this,  he 
spread  the  roll  of  parchment  on  the  ground,  observ 
ing  again  that  the  ground  should  be  common  to  both 
people.  He  added  that  he  would  not  do  as  the  Mary- 
landers  did — that  is,  call  them  children,  or  brothers 
only,  for  often  parents  were  apt  to  whip  their  child 
ren  too  severely,  and  brothers  sometimes  would  dif 
fer — neither  would  he  compare  the  friendship  between 
them  to  a  chain,  for  the  rain  might  rust  it,  or  a  tree 
might  fall  and  break  it,  but  he  should  consider  them 
as  the  same  flesh  and  blood  with  the  Christians,  and 


JIISTORY    OF    THE 


the  Fame  as  if  one  man  were  to  be  divided  into  two 
parts.  He  then  took  up  the  parchment  and  presented 
it  to  the  Sachem  who  wore  the  horn  and  chaplet, 
and  desired  him  and  the  other  Sachems  to  preserve 
it  carefully  for  three  generations,  that  their  children 
might  know  what  had  passed  between  them,  just  as 
if  he  remained  with  them  to  repeat  it. 

"  That  William  Penn  must  have  done  and  said  a 
great  deal  more  on  this  interesting  subject  than  has 
1  now  been  represented,  there  can  be  no  doubt,  What 
I  have  advanced,"  continues  Thos.  Chalkley,  "may 
be  relied  upon,  but  I  am  not  warranted  in  giving 
further.  It  is  also  to  be  regretted  that  the  speeches 
of  the  chiefs  on  this  memorable  day,  have  not  come 
down  to  us.  It  is  only  known  that  they  solemnly 
pledged  themselves,  according  to  their  country  man 
ners,  to  live  in  love  with  Wm.  Penn  and  his  children 
as  long  as  the  sun  and  moon  should  endure." 

Thus  ended  this  famous  treaty,  of  which  more  has 
been  said  in  the  way  of  praise  than  of  any  other 
ever  submitted  to  posterity.  "This,"  says  Voltaire, 
"  was  the  only  treaty  between  these  people  and  the 
Christians,  that  was  notratified  by  an  oath,  and  that  was 
never  broken."  "Penn  thought  it  right,"  says  Abbe 
Raynol,  "to  obtain  an  additional  right,  by  a  fair  and 
open  purchase  from  the  Aborigines,  and  thus  to  sig 
nalize  his  arrival  by  an  act  of  equity  which  made  his 
person  and  principles  equally  beloved.  Here  it  is, 
that  the  mind  rests  with  pleasure  upon  modern  history, 
and  feels  some  kind  of  compensation  for  the  disgust, 
melancholy,  and  horror  which  the  whole  of  it,  but 


6HAWNEE    INDIANS.  39 

particularly  that  part  of  the  European  settlements  in, 
America  inspires." 

$"oble,  in  his  continuation  of  Granger,  says :  "  Penn 
occupied  his  domain  by  actual  bargain  and  sale  with 
the  Indians.  This  act  does  him  infinite  honor,  as  no 
blood  was  shed,  and  the  Christians  and  barbarians 
met  as  brothers.  Penn  has  thus  taught  us  to  respect 
the  lives  and  property  of  the  most  ignorant  Nations." 

"  Being  now  returned,"  says  Robert  Proud,  in  his 
history  of  Pennsylvania,  "from  Maryland  to  Coaquan- 
nuck,  he  purchased  lands  of  the  Indians,  whom  he 
treated  with  great  justice  and  sincere  kindness.  It 
was  at  this  time,  when  he  first  entered  into  that  per 
sonal  friendship  with  them,  which  ever  afterward 
continued  between  them,  and  which,  for  the  space  of 
more  than  seventy  years,  was  never  interrupted,  or 
so  long  as  the  Quakers  retained  power  in  Pennsyl 
vania. 

"  His  conduct,  in  general,  to  these  people,  was  in 
engaging  his  justice  in  particular  so  conspicuous;  and 
the  counsel  and  advice  he  gave  them  were  so  evidently 
for  their  advantage  that  he  became  thereby  very 
much  endeared  to  them,  and  the  sense  thereof  made 
such  deep  impression  on  their  minds  that  his  name 
and  memory  will  scarcely  be  effaced  while  they  con 
tinue  a  people." 

The  great  elm  tree,  under  which  the  treaty  of  1682 
was  held,  became  celebrated  from  that  day.  When, 
in  the  revolutionary  war,  the  British  General,  Simcoe, 
was  quartered  at  Kensington,  he  so  respected  it  that 
when  his  soldiers  were  cutting  down  every  other  tree 


40  UISTOltY    OK    TI1K 

for  firewood,  he  placed  a  sentinel  under  it,  with  orders 
to  see  that  not  a  branch  of  it  should  be  injured.  In 
the  year  1811  it  was  blown  down  by  a  storm,  when 
the  branches  were  split  into  wood,  and  cups  and 
other  articles  were  made,  to  be  kept  as  memorials  of 
the  celebrated  elm  tree. 

It  may  not  be  out  of  place  here,  to  mention  a  little 
the  treatment  the  emigrants  to  the  colonies  of  New 
Jersey  and  Pennsylvania  received  at  the  hands  of  the 
natives,  which  may  well  show  that  they  are  a  remark 
ably  kind-hearted  people,  when  they  are  treated  as 
Penn  and  his  friends  used  this  people.  The  succeed 
ing  chapter  will  be  interesting  on  that  account. 


[(UNIVERSITY 

\V  OF 

^^LIFO* 


INDIANS.  41 


CHAPTER  VI. 


ABOUT  the  year  1675  the  territory  of  New  Jersey 
came,  by  purchase,  from  Lord  Berkley,  into  the  hands 
of  John  Fenwick.  (a  member  of  the  Society  of 
Friends,)  in  trust,  for  Edward  Billings  and  his  as 
signees,  in  consequence  of  which,  in  this  year,  John 
Fenwick,  in  company  with  a  number  of  other  Friends 
from  London,  landed  at  a  place  on  the  Delaware, 
which  he  named  Salem;  and,  on  their  arrival,  settled 
a  religious  meeting  there.  A  dispute  had  arisen 
between  Fenwick  and  Edward  Billings,  but  was  at 
last  composed  by  the  interference  of  William  Penn, 
to  whom,  with  Gowan  Lowrie,  of  London,  and 
Nicholas  Lucas,  of  Westford,  the  management  of 
the  province  was  committed,  as  trustees  for  Edward 
Billings ;  and  from  this  circumstance  William  Penn 
became  one  of  the  chief  instruments  in  settling  the 
colony  of  New  Jersey. 

Although  the  land  having  been  purchased  gave 
Friends  a  legal  right  to  the  soil,  in  the  commonly 
understood  sense  of  the  term,  it  nevertheless  did  not, 
in  their  estimation,  fully  entitle  them  to  it,  without  a 
further  purchase  was  made  from  its  original  owners 
and  inhabitants,  whom  they  regarded  as  the  alone 


42  HISTORIT    OF    TUB 

rightful  owners  and  proprietors  of  the  land;  rccog 
nizing  then  this  principle,  we  find  William  Penn  and 
his  colleagues,  in  their  instructions  for  the  govern 
ment  of  the  province,  in  the  year  1676,  recommend 
ing  that  the  commissioners  should  immediately  agree 
with  the  Indians  for  land. 

The  first  treaty  of  this  kind  with  the  natives,  took 
place  in  the  succeeding  year,  when  the  second  ship 
arrived  at  the  colony,  bringing  about  two  hundred 
and  thirty  persons,  most  of  whom  were  Friends  from 
Yorkshire  and  London,  who  landed  about  Racoon 
Creek,  on  the  Delaware  River.  Soon  after  which, 
eight  persons,  commissioners  for  the  purpose,  pro 
ceeded  further  up  the  river,  to  the  place  where  Bur 
lington  now  stands,  and  treated  with  the  Indians,  and 
entered  on  the  regulations  of  their  settlement,  and 
made  several  purchases  of  land  from  them  ;  but  not 
having,  at  the  time,  goods  sufficient  to  pay  for  all 
they  bought,  a  further  agreement  was  made  with 
them  not  to  settle  on  any  part  until  it  was  paid  for. 
The  number  of  Friends  who  emigrated  to  West 
Jersey  during  the  years  U376,  1677,  and  1678,  is 
stated  to  be  about  eight  hundred,  and  these  mostly 
persons  of  property.  Thomas  Clarkson,  in  his  life 
of  Penn,  says,  that  "up  to  the  year  1681  he  had 
sent  to  it  about  fourteen  hundred  people." 

These  early  settlers  in  this  province,  coming,  as 
they  did,  to  a  country,  for  the  most  part  in  an  uncul 
tivated  state,  endured  many  hardships  before  they 
could  bring  the  land  into  a  state  sufficiently  produc 
tive  for  their  support,  and  many  of  them  arriving  in 


SHAWNEE    INDIANS.  43 

the  latter  end  of  the  year,  they  had  only  time  to 
erect  a  cabin,  or  a  kind  of  wigwam,  for  their  accom 
modation  during  the  approaching  winter.  In  this 
needful  time  the  untutored  Indians  proved  themselves 
real  benefactors  to  the  Friends,  and  gave  evidence 
that  their  hearts  were  imbued  with  generous  and 
humane  feelings,  by  liberally  supplying  these  new 
occupants  of  their  country,  in  a  time  of  difficulty  and 
distress,  with  corn  and  venison,  which  was  their  prin 
cipal  food,  and  by  freely  bringing  Indian  corn,  peas, 
beans,  fish,  and  fowls  for  sale. 


44  HISTORY    OF    TUB 


CHAPTER  VII. 


IN  THE  early  part  of  1701  we  find  William  Perm 
had  again  left  Pennsylvania  for  Philadelphia,  where 
he  met  Con-noo-daugh-tah,  king  of  the  Susquehanna 
Indians,  Wa-pa-tha,  king  of  the  Shawnees,  and 
Wee-when-jaugh,  chief  of  the  Gan-aw-eese,  inhabi- 
tanting  about  the  head  of  Potomac  River,  and  Ahoo- 
kas-saugh,  brother  of  the  emperor  of  the  five  nations, 
with  about  forty  Indians  in  their  retinue,  who  came 
to  renew,  by  one  general  treaty  for  the  whole,  the 
good  understanding  which  had  subsisted  between 
him  and  them.  On  this  occasion  he  received  them 
in  council,  and  many  friendly  speeches  passed  between 
them;  and  it  was  then  and  there  agreed,  that  there 
should  be  forever  after,  a  firm  and  lasting  peace  be 
tween  Wm.  Penn  and  his  heirs,  and  the  said  kings,  and 
their  chiefs,  and  their  successors,  in  behalf  of  their  re 
spective  tribes;  and  the  following  articles  of  agreement 
were  solemnly  ratified,  and  the  instrument  for  the 
same  duly  agreed  upon  by  both  parties. 

Articles  of  agreement  indented,  made,  concluded, 
and  agreed  upon,  this  23d  day  of  2d  month,  called 
April,  1701,  between  William  Penn,  proprietary 
and  governor  of  the  province  of  Pennsylvania,  and 


SHAWNF.E    INDIANS.  45 

the  territories  thereunto  belonging,  on  the  one  part, 
and  Con-noo-daugh-tah,  king  of  the  Indians  inhabit 
ing  upon  and  about  the  river  Susquehanna,  in  the 
said  province,  and  We-do-ah  (alias  Aret-ta,)  Ka-que- 
ash,  and  An-dog-gy  lunck-quagh,  chiefs  of  the  said 
nations  of  Indians,  and  Wa-pa-tha,  king  of  the 
Shawnees,  and  Lem-a-tung  and  Perau-ju-ah,  chiefs 
of  that  nation,  and  Ahoo-kas-saugh,  brother  to  the 
emperor,  for,  and  in  behalf  of  the  emperor;  and  We- 
when-jaugh,  Che-quet-tah,  Ta-gua-son,  and  Woop- 
ra-shaw,  chiefs  of  the  nations  of  Indians  inhabiting 
in  and  about  the  northern  parts  of  the  river  Potomac, 
for,  and  in  behalf  of  themselves  and  their  successors, 
and  their  several  nations,  on  the  other  part,  as 
follows  : 

"I.  As  hitherto  there  hath  always  been  a  good 
understanding  and  neighborhood  between  the  said 
William  Penn  and  his  lieutenants,  since  his  first  arri 
val  in  the  said  province,  and  the  several  nations  of  the 
Indians,  inhabiting  in  and  about  the  same ;  so  there 
shall  be  forever  hereafter  a  firm  and  lasting  peace  con 
tinued  between  Wm.  Penn,  his  heirs  and  successors, 
and  all  the  English  and  other  Christian  inhabitants 
of  the  said  province,  and  the  said  kings  and  chiefs, 
and  their  successors,  and  all  the  people  of  the  several 
nations  of  Indians  aforesaid,  and  thai  they  shall  for 
ever  hereafter  be  as  one  head  and  one  heart,  and  live 
in  peace,  and  true  friendship,  and  unity,  as  one  people. 

"  2.  That  the  said  kings  and  chiefs,  (each  for  him 
self  and  his  people  engaging,)  shall,  at  no  time,  hurt, 


46  HISTORY   OF    THB 

injure,  or  defraud,  or  suffer  to  be  hurt,  injured,  or 
defrauded,  by  any  of  their  Indians,  any  inhabitant  or 
inhabitants  of  the  said  province,  either  in  their  per 
sons,  or  estates ;  and  that  the  said  William  Penn,  his 
heirs  and  successors,  shall  not  suffer  to  be  done  or 
committed,  by  any  of  the  subjects  of  England  within 
the  said  province,  any  act  of  hostility  or  violence, 
wrong  or  injury,  to,  or  against,  any  of  the  Indians, 
but  shall,  on  both  sides,  at  all  times,  readily  do  justice 
and  perform  all  acts  and  offices  of  friendship  and 
good  will ;  to  oblige  each  other  to  a  lasting  peace,  as 
aforesaid. 

"3.  That  all  and  every  of  the  said  kings  and 
chiefs,  and  all  and  every  particular  of  the  nations 
under  them,  shall,  at  all  times,  behave  themselves 
regularly  and  soberly,  according  to  the  laws  of  this 
government,  while  they  live  near  or  among  the 
Christians,  inhabitants  thereof;  and  that  the  said  In 
dians  shall  have  the  full  and  free  privileges  and  im 
munities  of  all  the  said  laws,  as  any  other  inhabitants, 
they  duly  owning  and  acknowledging  the  authority 
of  the  crown  of  England  and  the  government  of  this 
province. 

"  4.  That  none  of  the  Indians  shall,  at  any  time, 
be  aiding,  assisting,  or  abetting  any  other  nation, 
whether  Indians  or  others,  that  shall  not,  at  such 
times,  be  at  peace  and  amity  with  the  crown  of 
England,  and  with  this  government. 

"5.  That  if,  at  any  time,  any  of  the  said  Indians, 
by  means  of  evil-minded  persons  and  sowers  of 


SHAWNEE    INDIANS.  47 

sedition,  should  hear  any  unkind  or  disadvantageous 
reports  of  the  English,  as  if  they  had  evil  designs 
against  any  of  the  said  Indians,  in  such  cases  such  In 
dians  shall  send  notice  thereof  to  the  said  Wm.  Penn, 
his  heirs  or  successors,  or  their  lieutenants,  and  shall 
not  give   credence  to  the  said  reports,  till,  by   that 
means,  they  shall  be  fully  satisfied  concerning  the 
truth  thereof;  and  that  the  said  William  Penn,  his 
heirs  and  successors,  or   their  lieutenants,  shall,  at 
all  times,  and  in  all  such  cases,  do  the  like  by  them. 
"  6.  That  the  said  kings  and  chiefs,  and  their  suc 
cessors,  shall  not  suffer  any  strong  nation  of  Indians 
to  settle,  or  plant,  on  the  other  side  of  the  Susque- 
hanna  river,  or  about  the  Potomac  river,  but  such 
as   are   already  seated   there  ;   nor  bring  any  other 
Indians  into  any  part  of  this  province  without  the 
special  approbation  and  permission  of  the  said  Wm. 
Penn,  his  heirs,  or  successors. 

"  7.  That,  for  the  preventing  of  abuses  that  are 
too  frequently  put  upon  the  said  Indians  in  trade,  the 
said  William  Penn,  his  heirs  and  successors,  shall 
not  suffer  any  person  to  trade  or  converse  with  any 
of  the  said  Indians  but  such  as  be  first  allowed  and 
approved,  by  an  instrument  of  writing,  under  the 
hand  and  seal  of  him,  the  said  William  Penn,  or  his 
heirs,  or  successors,  or  their  lieutenants,  and  that  the 
said  Indians  shall  suffer  no  person  whatever  to  buy 
or  sell,  or  to  have  commerce  with  any  of  them,  the 
said  Indians,  but  such  as  first  be  approved  by  the 
governor,  as  aforesaid. 


48  HISTORY    OF    THE 

"  8.  That  the  said  Indians  shall  not  sell  or  dispose 
of  any  of  their  skins,  peltry,  or  furs,  or  any  other 
effects  of  their  hunting,  to  any  person  or  persons 
whatever,  out  of  the  said  province  of  Pennsylvania, 
nor  to  any  other  person  but  such  as  shall  be  author 
ized  to  trade  with  them  as  aforesaid.  And  that,  for 
the  encouragement  of  the  Indians,  the  said  William 
Penn,  his  heirs  and  successors,  shall  take  care  to 
have  them,  the  said  Indians,  duly  furnished  with  all 
sorts  of  necessary  goods  for  their  use,  at  reasonable 
rates. 

"9.  That  the  Potomac  Indians  aforesaid,  with  their 
colony,  shall  have  free  leave  of  the  said  William 
Penn  to  settle  on  any  part  of  Potomac  river,  within 
this  province — they  strictly  observing  and  practicing 
all  and  singular,  the  aforesaid  to  them  relating. 

"  10.  The  Indians  of  Conestoga,  upon  and  about 
the  Susquehanna  river,  and  now,  especially,  the  said 
Con-noo-daugh-tah,  their  king,  doth  fully  agree  to, 
and,  by  these  presents,  absolutely  ratify,  the  bargain 
and  sale  of  lands  lying  near  and  about  the  said  river, 
formerly  made  to  the  said  William  Penn,  his  heirs 
and  successors,  by  a  deed,  bearing  date  the  13th  day 
of  September  last,  under  their  hands  and  seals  duly 
executed.  And  the  said  Con-noo-daugh-tah  doth,  for 
himself  and  his  nation,  covenant  and  agree  that  he 
will,  at  all  times,  be  ready  further  to  confirm  and 
make  good  the  sale  of  said  land,  according  to  the 
terms  of  the  same ;  and  that  the  said  Indians  of  Sus 
quehanna  shall  answer  to  the  said  William  Penn  and 


SHAWNES   INDIANS.  49 

his  successors  for  the  good  behavior  and  conduct  of 
the  said  Potomac  Indians,  and  for  their  performing 
the  several  articles  herein  expressed. 

"11.  The  said  William  Penn  doth  hereby  promise 
for  himself,  his  heirs  and  successors,  that  he  and  they 
will,  at  all  times,  show  themselves  as  brothers  to  all 
and  every  of  said  Indians,  by  assisting  them,  by 
and  with  the  best  of  their  advice,  directions,  and 
counsel,  and  will,  in  all  things  just  and  reasonable, 
befriend  them — they  behaving  themselves  as  afore 
said  j  and  submitting  themselves  to  the  laws  of  this 
province  in  all  things,  as  the  English  and  all  others 
do;  to  which  they,  the  said  Indians,  truly  agree  and 
oblige  themselves  and  their  posterity  forever. 

"In  witness  whereunto,  the  said  parties  have,  as  a 
confirmation,  made  mutual  presents  to  each  other : 
the  Indians,  in  five  parcels  of  skins,  and  the  said 
William  Penn,  in  several  parcels  of  English  goods 
and  merchandise,  as  a  binding  pledge  of  the  pro 
mises  never  to  be  broken  or  violated  ;  and  as  a  testi 
mony  thereof,  have,  also,  to  these  presents,  set  their 
hands  and  seals,  the  day  and  year  above  written." 

William  Penn's  return  to  England  the  second  time, 
being  determined  on,  and  information  of  it  having 
reached  the  Indians,  a  number  of  them,  among  whom 
were  the  chiefs  of  the  Susquehanna  tribes,  in  the 
eighth  month  of  1706,  came  to  Philadelphia  to  take 
leave  of  him  as  their  great  benefactor.  These  In 
dians  came  at  a  time  when  the  assembly  was  in  ses 
sion.  He  received  them  in  council.  This  farewell 
4 


60  HISTORY    OF    THE 

meeting  is  said  to  have  been  a  very  interesting  one; 
but  few  particulars,  however,  of  this  interview  have 
been  transmitted  to  us.  The  following  brief  account 
being  all  that  has  coine  to  my  knowledge,  in  relation 
to  it,  viz  :  "  William  Penn  told  them  that  the  assem 
bly  was  then  making  a  law,  according  to  their  desire, 
to  prevent  their  being  abused,  by  the  selling  of  rum 
among  them  ;  that  he  requested  of  them  to  unite  all 
their  endeavors,  and  their  utmost  exertions,  in  con 
junction  with  those  of  the  government,  to  put  the 
said  law  in  execution." 

At  the  same  he  told  them  that  now  this  was*  like 
to  be  the  kst  time  he  should  hold  an  interview  with 
them,  at  least  before  leaving;  that  he  had  always 
loved  and  been  kind  to  them,  and  even  should  con 
tinue  so  to  be — not  through  any  political  design,  or 
on  account  of  self-interest,  but  from  a  most  real  affec 
tion  ;  and  he  desired  them  to  cultivate  friendly  rela 
tions  with  those  he  should  leave  behind  in  authority, 
as  they  would  always,  in  some  degree,  continue  so 
to  be  to  them  as  himself  had  ever  been;  lastly,  that 
he  had  charged  the  members  of  his  council,  and  he 
then,  also,  renewed  the  same  charge,  that  they  should, 
in  all  respects,  be  kind  to  them,  and  entertain  them 
with  all  courtesy  and  demonstrations  of  good  will,  as 
himself  had  ever  done.  Here  the  said  members 
promised  faithfully  to  observe  the  charge  ;  presents 
were  then  made  to  the  Indians,  and  they  withdrew. 


SHAW^EE    INDIANS. 


51 


CHAPTER    VIII. 


THE  next  account  I  find  of  the  Shawnees  is  in 
1706,  when  Thomas  Chalkley,  an  acknowledged 
minister  in  the  Society  of  Friends,  was  extensively, 
engaged  in  traveling  in  the  American  colonies,  among 
the  Indians  as  well  as  the  whites,  he  says  :  "  We  got 
an  interpreter  and  traveled  through  the  woods,  about 
sixty  miles,  among  the  Indians  at  Conestoga,  near 
the  Susquehanna,  carrying  our  provisions  with  us, 
and,  on  the  journey,  sat  down  by  a  river,  and  spread 
our  food  on  the  grass,  and  refreshed  ourselves  and 
our  horses,  and  then  went  on  cheerfully,  and  with 
great  good  will  and  much  love  for  the  poor  Indians  ; 
and  when  we  arrived  they  received  us  kindly,  treat 
ing  us  civilly  in  their  way.  On  informing  them  of 
our  views  in  this  visit  to  them,  they  called  a  council, 
in  which  they  were  grave,  and  spoke  one  after  an 
other,  without  any  heat  or  jarring.  In  this  council 
was  a  woman,  who  took  a  part  in  the  deliberations  of 
this  council  as  well  .as  upon  all  important  occasions. 
On  the  interpreter  being  questioned  why  they  per 
mitted  a  woman  to  take  so  responsible  a  part  in  their 
councils,  he  replied,  that  some  women  were  wiser 
than  some  men,  and  that  they  had  not  done  anything 


HISTORY    OF    TUS 


for  many  years  without  the  council  of  this  ancient, 
grave  woman,  who  spoke  much  in  this  council.  This 
ancient,  grave  woman,  who  was  the  empress  of  the 
tribe,  said,  (records  Thos.  Chalkley,)  that  she  looked 
upon  our  coming  to  be  more  than  natural,  because 
we  did  not  come  to  buy  or  sell,  or  to  get  gain,  but 
come  in  love  and  respect  to  them,  and  desired  their 
well-being,  both  here  and  hereafter;  and  further 
desired,  that  our  meeting  among  them  might  be 
very  beneficial  to  their  young  people.  And  she 
advised  them  to  hear  us  and  to  entertain  us 
kindly  ;  and  accordingly  they  did.  There  were  two 
nations  of  them,  the  Senecas  and  Shawnees.  We 
Had  first  a  meeting  with  the  Senecas,  with  which 
they  were  much  affected  ;  and  they  called  the  other 
nation,  (the  Shawnees,)  and  interpreted  to  them  what 
we  said  to  them  in  their  meeting ;  and  the  poor  In 
dians,  (and,  in  particular,  some  of  the  young  men 
and  women,)  were  under  a  solid  exercise  and  concern 
of  mind. 

"  The  advantages  which,  even  in  a  temporal  point  of 
view,  resulted  to  the  early  settlers  in  Pennsylvania,  by 
adopting  a  course  of  conduct,  so  peaceable  in  its  nature, 
were  not  only  of  great  benefit  to  the  natives  them 
selves,  but  to  the  inhabitants  of  this  infant  colony, 
and  formed  a  striking  contrast  to  the  melancholy  evils 
which  followed  as  a  consequence  of  a  line  of  policy 
so  adverse  to  the  principles  pursued  in  the  settlement 
of  the  other  colonies. 

"Proceeding,  as  the  early  settlers  to  the  other 
provinces  did,  to  a  country  inhabited  by  a  race  of 


8HAWNEE    INDIANS. 


53 


men,  of  apparently  ferocious  and  savage  habits  of 
life,  and  whom  they  observed  too  frequently  engaged 
in  wars  with  each  other,  they  began,  as  soon  as  they 
set  foot  on  the  soil,  to  exhibit  a  military  appearance, 
by  building  forts,  and  fortifying  their  towns,  and 
showing  themselves  in  arms  before  they  had  received 
any  kind  of  molestation  or  injury,  but  merely  from  a 
fear  that  such  means  of  defense  were  needful.  Such 
a  formidable  appearance,  of  course,  produced,  in  the 
minds  of  the  natives,  strong  suspicions.'* 

Doctor  Trumbull,  in  his  history  of  Connecticut, 
has  the  following  pertinent  remarks  in  reference  to 
this  subject.  He  says  :  "  As  these  infant  settlements 
were  filled  and  surrounded  by  numerous  savages  the 
people  conceived  themselves  in  danger  when  they 
lay  down  and  when  they  rose  up — when  they  went 
out  and  when  they  came  in.  Their  circumstances 
were  such  that  it  was  judged  necessary  for  every  man 
to  be  a  soldier.  The  consequence  was  that,  when 
they  began  to  make  a  military  appearance,  several 
of  them  were  waylaid  and  killed.  Thence  followed 
greater  warlike  preparations  on  the  one  side,  and 
greater  suspicion  on  the  other,  till,  at  length,  open 
war  commenced  between  them,  during  which  great 
excesses  were  committed  by  both  parties. 

"  When  war  commenced  between  the  Indians  and 
the  settlers  of  one  of  the  provinces,  the  former 
would  not  unfrequently  carry  their  ravages  without 
discrimination  into  another,  where  the  warlike  de 
monstrations  were  similar.  Thus,  it  appears,  that 
when  the  Indians  were  provoked  by  the  Virginians, 


54  HISTORY    OF    THB 

during  the  time  that  Lord  Baltimore  was  governor  of 
Maryland,  and  who,  it  was  said,  conducted  himself 
in  the  most  unexceptionable  manner  toward  the  In 
dians,  they,  nevertheless,  carried  their  devastations 
into  Maryland  as  well  as  Virginia,  whereas  the  ad 
jacent  province  of  Pennsylvania,  where  nothing  of  a 
warlike  character  existed,  remained  uninjured,  being 
uniformly  respected  by  the  Indians  ;  and,  as  the  ter 
ritory  of  William  Penn,  being  held  as  almost  sacred 
by  the  Indians." 

"New  England,"  says  Bancroft,  in  his  history  of 
the  United  States,  "  had  just  terminated  a  disastrous 
war  with  the  Algonquins.  The  laws  of  Maryland 
refer  to  Indian  hostilities  srnd  massacres,  which  ex 
tended  as  far  Richmond.  Penn  came  without  arms  ; 
he  had  no  message  but  peace  ;  and  not  a  drop  of 
Quaker  blood  was  ever  shed  by  the  Indians." 


8HAWNEE    INDIANS. 


CHAPTER  IX. 


AT  a  council  at  Philadelphia,  14th  June,  1715; 
present,  the  Honorable  Gookin,  Lieutenant  Governor; 
Joseph  Growden,  Griffith  Owen,  Jas.  Logan,  Richard 
Will,  Isaac  Norris,  Robert  Ashton,  Commissioners. 
The  chiefs  of  the  Delaware  and  Schuylkill  Indians, 
in  a  visit  to  the  governor,  etc.,  met  in  the  court-house 
at  Philadelphia;  Sas-sa-noon  boing  their  head,  and 
Opes-sah,  the  late  Shawnee  king,  with  his  companions 
attending  him,  and  then  opening  the  calumet,  or  pipe 
of  peace,  with  great  ceremony  of  their  rattles  and 
songs ;  it  was  presented  by  Sas-sa-noon,  to  the  king, 
the  governor  and  council,  and  to  all  others  of  the 
English,  there  met ;  afterward  it  was  offered  by  him 
to  all  his  Indians ;  and  then,  with  the  same  ceremo 
nies,  put  up  again. 

Then  Sas-sa-noon  arose  and  spoke  to  the  governor, 
and  said  that  the  calumet,  the  bond  of  peace,  which 
they  had  carried  to  all  the  nations  around,  they  had 
now  brought  hither  :  that  it  was  a  sure  bond  and 
seal  of  peace  among  them  and  between  them  and  us ; 
and  they  desired,  by  holding  up  their  hands,  that  the 
God  of  heaven  might  be  witness  to  it,  and  that  there 
might  be  n  firm  peace  between  them  and  us  forever. 


66  HISTORY    OF    THfi 

• 

To  which  the  governor  replied ;  that  he  was  very 
glad  to  see  them  retain  so  strong  a  sense  of  that  firm 
peace  which  was  settled  between  William  Penn,  the 
founder  and  chief  governor  of  the  country,  at  his 
first  coming  into  it,  in  behalf  of  himself  and  all  his 
people,  with  them  and  all  theirs ;  that  they  were 
sensible  we  had  always  preserved  it  inviolate  on  our 
part,  and  were  glad  we  had  reason  to  say  they  had 
done  the  same  on  theirs.  That  we  desired  nothing 
more  than  that  the  Great  God  —  who  made  heaven 
and  earth  and  every  living  creature,  and  who  knows 
the  thoughts  and  sees  all  the  actions  of  men — to 
whom  they  appealed,  should  be  witness  of  what  now 
passed  between  us,  and  this  renewal  of  the  same 
bond  of  peace  might  be  recorded  between  them  and 
us  forever.  With  which  speech  they  expressed 
themselves  greatly  satisfied.  Sassanoon  added,  that 
hearing  of  the  same  measures  among  themselves,  to 
prevent  which  they  came  to  renew,  forever,  the  bond 
of  friendship  that  William  Penn  had  at  his  first  com 
ing  made  a  clear  and  open  road  all  the  way  to  the 
Indians ;  that  they  desired  the  same  might  be  kept 
open,  and  all  obstructions  removed  ;  of  which,  on 
their  side,  they  will  take  care. 

He  then  presented  a  belt  of  wampum,  and  added, 
to  the  same  effect ;  that  they  desn  » d  the  peace, 
which  had  been  made,  should  be  so  irm  that  they 
should  join  hand  in  hand  so  firmly  that  nothing, 
even  the  greatest  tree,  should  be  able  to  divide  them 
asunder. 

After  this,  they  seemed  to  wait  for  an  answer — 


SHAWNEE    INDIANS. 

were  desired  to  proceed,  and  to  deliver  what  they 
had  now  further  to  say,  and  that  answers  and  returns 
for  binding  the  friendship  would  be  made  to  them 

altogether. 

Sassanoon  accordingly  proceeded,  and  said:  that 
their  late  king,  Ska-ti-to-hi,  desired  of  them  that  they 
would  take  care  to  keep  a  perfect  friendship  with  he 
Eno-lish  and  that  they  should  be  joined  as  one-that 
the"  Indians  should  be  half-English,  and  that  the 
English  should  be  half-Indians,  that  they  might  the 

further  be  as  one. 

He  further  added,  laying  down  a  sword-belt,  that 
as  the  fathers  have  been  in  peace,  that  they  desirec 
that  the  children  still,  as  they  should  be  bom  and 
come  into  the  world  hereafter,  might  be  brought  m 
the  same  union,  and  that  it  might  be  continued  1 
tween  their  and  our  posterity,  from  generatic 
o-eneration  forever. 

He  added,  that  in  the  last  council  which  they  li 
with  us,  they  spoke  concerning  the  scene  by  whose 
influence  they  had  lived  in  warmth  and  plenty  f 
the  beginning.     That  they  now   desired   the  i 
happiness  might  be  continued  to  them  with  us  in  the 
firmest  peace,  and  that  it  might  last  as  long  as  the 
sun  should  endure— that  when  any  clouds  interposed 
between  them  and  the  sun,  it  brings  coolness  and  is 
unpleasant ;  the  same  will  be  if  any  clouds  shall  arise 
between  them  and  us— therefore,  they  desired  that, 
if  anything  of  that  kind  appeared,  it  may  be  dissi 
pated  without  delay. 

He  laid  down  a  third  belt,  and  continued  in  the 


58  HISTORY    OF    TUB 

same  strain,  desiring,  as  before,  that  they  might  still 
enjoy  the  warmth  of  the  sun  and  our  friendship  to 
gether;  that  then  they  should  want  no  necessaries 
of  life,  but,  enjoying  all  the  comforts  of  life  with  their 
wives,  might  repose  themselves  in  peace  and  safety 
without  any  disturbance  whatever.  This  he  delivered 
in  behalf  of  the  Indians  on  this  side  the  Susque- 
hanna,  who  were  all  concerned  with  him  in  this 
treaty.  This  was  all  he  had  to  say  on  this  subject. 

He  then  began,  laying  down  a  bundle  of  deer 
skins,  saying,  that  now  they  would  discourse  of  mat 
ters  of  trade  between  them  and  us.  Hitherto  it  had 
been  like  a  house  with  two  doors — one  for  them  and 
one  for  the  English  —  but  the  goods  were  placed  in 
the  dark,  so  that  they  where  wholly  ignorant  how 
they  had  been  dealt  with,  or  how  they  should 
trade. 

He  repeated  the  same,  laying  down  a  second 
bundle  of  deer  skins,  and  desired  that  they  might  be 
informed  of  the  terms  they  might  trade  upon,  that, 
if  occasion  might  require,  they  might,  at  any  time, 
send  their  goods  and  be  out  of  danger  of  being 
cheated. 

•  He  added  a  third  bundle  of  deer  skins,  complaining 
how  hard  it  was  upon  them,  for  they  knew  not  what 
they  were  to  expect  for  their  goods,  and  that  they 
could  scarcely  purchase  ours. 

Laying  down  a  fourth  bundle  —  being  skins  and 
furs — he  desired  that  we  might  be  as  a  people  eating 
of  the  same  dish — so  they  might  be  dealt  with  as  if 
they  were  our  own  people. 


RHAWNEE    INDIANS.  59 

Presenting  a  fifth  bundle,  he  said,  that  formerly 
they  had  exactly  known  the  price,  both  of  our  goods 
and  theirs,  but  now,  they  varied  so  much,  there  was 
no  understanding  them. 

With  a  sixth  bundle,  he  said,  that,  through  this 
uncertainty,  he  wore  such  ragged  breeches  that  he 
was  ashamed  to  show  them,  and  desired  this  incon 
venience  might  be  remedied. 

Offering  a  seventh,  he  complained  that  they  were 
often  imposed  upon  by  the  might  of  our  money  when 
they  came  to  sell ;  that  we  certainly  knew  the  value 
of  theirs,  but  they  could  not  understand  ours,  and 
he,  therefore,  desired  that  this  great  inconvenience 
might  be  remedied. 

He  offered  an  eighth,  informing  that  Opessah,  for 
merly  king  of  the  Shawnees,  but  now  abdicated, 
lived  at  a  great  distance  and  entertained  them  with 
victuals  and  provisions,  when  they  went  that  way ; 
therefore  they  desired  that,  when  they  came  among 
us,  he  might  be  received,  as  one  of  themselves,  with 
the  same  openness  that  they  received  from  him. 

Having  ended  their  discourse,  they  were  told  that 
to-morrow,  they  should  receive  answers  to  all  they 
had  said  ;  and  were,  for  the  present,  dismissed. 


60 


HISTORY    OF    TUB 


CHAPTER  X. 


As  I  find  a  description  of  the  territory,  occupied 
by  the  several  Indian  nations,  east  of  the  Mississippi 
river,  before  its  colonization  by  the  Europeans,  in  a 
work,  prepared  with  great  care  by  a  committee  of  the 
Yearly  Meeting  of  Friends  in  London,  which  gives 
much  interesting  information  relative  to  the  North 
American  Indians,  and  from  -which  I  have  quoted 
considerable  already,  I  shall  here  insert  the  descrip 
tion  entire. 

"Seeing  the  origin  of  the  aboriginal  inhabitants  of 
the  North  American  continent  is  wrapped  in  much 
obscurity,  having  nothing  but  modern  conjecture  on 
record  respecting  it ;  we  deem  it  most  advisable  to 
be  silent  on  a  subject  of  so  much  uncertainty.  Of 
their  history,  however,  for  the  last  two  centuries,  the 
amount  of  European  travelers  and  settlers  among 
them,  furnish  us  with  tolerably  accurate  information, 
more  particularly  with  regard  to  those  who  dwelt  on 
the  land  east  of  the  river  Mississippi.  From  these 
resources  we  have  been  aHs  to  gather,  with  tolerable 
precision,  the  locality  occupied  by  several  nations  of 
them  about  two  centuries  ago,  as  they  were  distin 
guished,  by  language,  one  from  another,  which  we 


6UAWNEK    INDIANS.  61 

have  arranged  under  the  following  heads ;  for  a  fur 
ther  illustration  of  which  we  refer  our  readers  to  the 
maps  accompanying  this  work.  There  does  not  ap 
pear  to  have  been,  in  this  part  of  North  America, 
more  than  eight  languages,  of  a  decidedly  distinct 
character ;  of  which  five  at  the  present  time  consti 
tute  the  speech  of  large  communities,  and  these  are 
known  only  as  memorials  of  nearly  extinct  tribes. 

"  The  primitive  language, which  was  the  most  widely 
extended,  and  the  most  prolific  in  dialect,  was  that 
of  the  Adirondacks,  to  which  the  French  gave  the 
name  of  Algonquins,  and  by  which  it  was  more  gen 
erally  known.  The  same  language  was  spoken  from 
Cape  Cansa,  and  the  Bay  of  Gaspe  to  the  banks  of 
the  Mississippi ;  from  the  Cumberland  river  in  Ken 
tucky,  to  Cape  Fear,  and,  it  is  presumed,  from  the 
Susquehanna  to  the  country  of  the  Esquimaux. 

"The  Micmacs,  who,  probably,  never  exceeded 
three  thousand  in  number,  held  possession  of  Nova 
Scotia  and  the  adjacent  islands,  and,  also,  the  east  part 
of  the  continent,  south  of  a  small  tribe,  called,  by 
geographers,  Gaspesians,  that  dwelt  around  the  Bay 
of  Gaspe. 

"  The  Etchemins,  or  Canoemen,  inhabited  on  the 
rivers  St.  John  and  St.  Croix,  and  extended  consider 
ably  to  the  west.  Next  to  these  came  the  Abenakis, 
from  whom  descended  the  Penobscot,  Passamaquod- 
dy,  and  AndroscoggiR  tribes ;  another  had  its  abode 
in  Norridgewock. 

"  The  tribes  that  disappeared  from  their  ancient 
hunting-grounds  in  the  east,  did  not  always  become 


HISTORY    OF    THE 


extinct,  as  some  of  them  are  known  to  have  migrated 
to  the  north  and  west.     Many  of  the  Sokokis,  who 
appeared  to  have   dwelt  near  the  river  Saco,  and  to 
have  had  an  alliance  with  the  Mohawks,  at  an  early 
period  abandoned  the  locality  where   they  first  be 
came   known    to   the  Europeans,   and  placed   them 
selves   under  the  shelter  of  the  French  in  Canada. 
But  the  Indians  generally,  instead  of  forming  friendly 
alliances  with   their  more  civilized   neighbors,   were 
induced,  through  the  vicious  conduct  of  "the  latter,  to 
shun  the   vicinity  of  their  settlements.     To  this  we 
may,  perhaps,  ascribe  the  migration  of  some  of  the 
native  population.     Thus,  among  the  tribes  of  Texas, 
there  are  Indians  who  are  said  to  trace  their  pedigree 
to  the  Algonquins  bordering  on  the  Atlantic-;  and  it 
is  known  that  descendants  from  New  England  Indians 
now  inhabit  some  of  the  western  prairies. 

"  The  country  beyond  Saco,  with  New  Hampshire, 
as  far  as  Salem,  was  occupied  by  the  Pennacook,  or 
Pawtucket  tribe.  The  Massachusetts  Indians,  even 
before  the  colonizntion  of  the  country,  had  almost 
disappeared  from  the  land  of  the  bay  that  bears  this 
name;  and  the  native  villages  of  the  interior  re 
sembled  insulated  and  nearly  independent  bands. 

"  The  most  civilized  of  the  northern  Indians  were 
the  Pokunokets,  who  dwelt  in  Nantucket,  Martha's 
Vineyard,  and  a  part  of  Cape  Cod  ;  and  the  Narra- 
gansetts,  who  occupied  Rhode  Island,  a  part  of  Long 
Island,  and  the  land  between  the  bay  that  bears  their 
name  and  the  present  limits  of  Connecticut ;  these, 
with  the  Pequods,  the  branch  of  the  Mohegans  that 


SHAWNEK    INDIANS.  63 

held  the  eastern  part  of  Connecticut  and  a  part  of 
Long  Island,  were  the  earliest  victims  of  European 
colonization  in  North  America.  In  the  territory  be 
tween  the  banks  of  the  Connecticut  and  the  Hudson, 
were  independent  villages  of  the  Mohegans,  kindred 
with  the  Manhattans,  who  once  dwelt  on  New  York 
Island. 

"Of  the  Lenclcnappes,  or,  as  some  modern  writers 
have  it,  Lenni  Lenape,  there  were  two  divisions,  the 
Minsi  and  the  Delawares  ;  they  possessed  east  and 
west  Jersey,  the  valley  of  the  Delaware,  far  up 
toward  its  sources,  and  the  entire  of  the  basin  of  the 
Schuylkill.  These  were  the  Indians  who  formed  the 
main  body  of  those  with  whom  William  Penn  made 
his  great  and  memorable  treaty  of  1682,  at  Shacka- 
maxen,  the  spot  on  which  Kensington,  in  the  suburbs 
of  Philadelphia,  now  stands.  » 

"Beyond  the  Delaware,  on  the  eastern  shore, 
dwelt  the  Nanticokes,  who  disappeared  or  mingled 
imperceptibly  with  other  tribes.  The  name  of 
Pamlico  denotes  that  Algonquin  tribes  extended 
along  the  sea-coast,  as  far  south  as  Cape  Hatteras. 
It  is  conjectured,  also,  that  the  Corees,  who  dwelt  to 
the  southward  of  the  Neuse  river,  spoke  a  similar 
language  ;  thus  establishing  Cape  Fear  as  the  south 
ern  boundary  of  the  Algonquins. 

"In  Virginia,  the  same  language  was  spoken 
throughout  the  dominion  of  Powhatan,  which  in 
cluded  the  tribes  from  the  eastern  shore  and  all  the 
villages  west  of  the  Chesapeake,  from  the  southern 
most  branch  of  James  river  to  the  Pautuxent. 


64 


HISTORY    OF    THE 


"  The  basin  of  the  Cumberland  river  is  marked, 
by  the  earliest  geographers,  as  the  locality  of  the 
Shawnees,   who   connected  the  southeastern  Algon- 
quins  with  the  western.     A  portion  afterward  lived 
in  the  neighborhood  of  Winchester.     Their  principal 
band  removed  from  their  hunting-grounds  in  Ken 
tucky  to  the  head-waters  of  one  of  the  great  rivers, 
of  South  Carolina  ;  and,  at  a  later  day,  four  hundred 
and  fifty  of  them,  who  had  been  wandering  in  the 
woods  for  four  years,  were  found  a  little  north  of  the 
head- waters  of  the  Mobile  river,  on  their  way  to  the 
country  of  the  Muskogees.     About  the  year   1698, 
nearly  seventy  of  their  families,  with  the  consent  of 
the    government    of    Pennsylvania,    removed    from 
Carolina  and  settled  on  the  Susquehanna  ;  these  were 
soon  followed  by  others  of  the  same  tribe  ;  and  the 
number  of  Indian  lighting  men  in  Pennsylvania,  in 
1732,   was    estimated    to   be    seven    hundred,   one- 
half    of    whom    were    Shawnees    from    the    south. 
Cadwalladcr    Golden,   in -1745,  said    the    Shawnees 
were    the    'most   restless   of  ail    the    Indians,'    and 
that  '  one  tribe  of  them  had  quite  gone  down  to  New 
Spain.' 

"  Of  the  ancient  territory  of  the  Miamis,  their  own 
traditions  have  preserved  an  account.  « My  fore 
father,'  said  Little  Turtle,  the  Miami  chief  at  Green 
ville,  'kindled  the  first  fire  at  Detroit;  from  thence 
he  extended  his  lines  to  the  head-waters  of  Scioto ; 
from  thence  to  its  mouth  ;  from  thence  down  the 
Ohio  to  the  mouth  of  the  Wabash,  and  from  thence 
to  Chicago,  on  Lake  Michigan.  These  are  the 


SHAWNEE    INDIANS.  65 

boundaries  within  which  the  prints  of  my  ancestors* 
houses  are  everywhere  to  be  seen.' 

The  Ottawas,  from  the  basin  of  the  river  that  bears 
their  name,  wandered  to  the  Saginaw  bay,  and  took 
possession  of  the  whole  north  of  the  peninsula. 

The  Illinois,  who  were  kindred  to  the  Miamis,  had 
their  country  between  the  Wabash,  the  Ohio,  and  the 
Mississippi. 

The  Pottawatomies,  who  were  a  branch  of  the 
great  Chippewayan  nation,  and  came  from  the  islands 
about  the  entrance  of  Green  Bay,  in  the  early  part 
of  the  eighteenth  century,  by  encroaching  upon  the 
Miamis,  settled  at  Chicago.  The  Chippewas  inhabited 
the  land  from  the  mouth  of  Green  Bay  to  the  head 
waters  of  Lake  Superior.  The  Menomonies,  a  dis 
tinct  Algonquin  tribe,  were  found  near  Green  Bay 
as  early  as  1669. 

The  Sacs  and  Foxes  occupied  the  country  south 
west  of  the  Menomonies,  from  Green  Bay  and  Fox 
river  to  the  Mississippi,  and  hunted  over  the  land 
between  the  Wisconsin  and  upper  branches  of  the 
Illinois.  The  Shawnees  are  said  to  have  an  affinity 
with  this  nation,  and  also  the  Kickapoos,  who  estab 
lished  themselves,  by  conquest,  in  the  north  of  Illi 
nois.  So  numerous  were  the  Algonquin  tribes,  that 
it  is  supposed  they  constituted  one-half  of  the  native 
population,  east  of  the  Mississippi  and  south  of  the 
St.  Lawrence. 

II.  Northwest  of  the  Sacs  and  Foxes,  west  of  the 
Chippewas,  tribes  of  the  Sioux,  or  Dacotah  Indians, 
occupied  the  prairies  east  of  the  Mississippi,  from  the 
5 


66  HISTORY    OF    THE 

head-waters  of  Lake  Superior  to  -the  falls  of  St. 
Anthony.  The  Winnebagoes,  a  little  community  of 
the  Dacotahs,  had  penetrated  into  the  territory  of  the 
Algonquins,  and  dwelt  between  Green  Bay  and 
Winnebago  Lake. 

III.  The  Huron-Iroquois,  or  Wyandots,  on  the 
discovery  of  America,  were  populous,  and  occupied 
an  extensive  territory.     The  peninsula  between  the 
Lakes  Huron,  Erie,  and  Ontario,  was  the  dwelling- 
place  of  five  confederate  tribes  of  the  Hurons,  who 
afterward,    by   some    unaccountable    influence    over 
other  tribes  and  by  making  treaties,  gradually  ac 
quired  a  claim   to  the  whole   country  from  the  St. 
Lawrence  to  the  western  limits  of  New  York. 

The  Huron  tribes  of  the  north  were  surrounded 
by  the  Algonquins.  In  the  south,  the  rivers  Chowan, 
Meherrin,  and  Nattoway  derive  their  names  from 
Wyandot  villages  ;  and  in  North  Carolina,  the  Tus- 
caroras  were  the  largest  tribe,  numbering,  it  is  said, 
in  1708,  no  less  than  twelve  hundred  fighting  men. 
We  find  this  tribe  thus  alluded  to  in  an  epistle  ad 
dressed  by  George  Fox  to  some  friend  in  Virginia  in 
1673:  "If  you  go  over  again  to  Carolina,  you  may 
inquire  of  Captain  Butts,  the  governor,  with  whom 
I  left  a  paper  to  be  read  to  the  emperor,  and  his 
thirty  kings  under  him,  of  the  Tuscaroras." 

IV.  On  the  central  lands  of  Carolina,  south  of  the 
Tuscaroras,  dwelt  the   Catowbas,   with  whom  were 
included    the    Waccons.       The    Catawbas,    in    their 
most  populous  day*,  were  not  reckoned  to  be  more 
than  one  thousand  two"  hundred   fighting   men  ;   an 


SHAW  NEE    INDIANS. 


67 


enumeration,  made  in -the  year  1743,  gives  but  four 
hundred.  This  nation,  therefore,  on  the  arrival  of 
the  European  settlers,  appears  not  to  have  numbered 
more  than  three  thousand. 

V.  The  Cherokees,  who  were  the  mountaineers 
of  America,  occupied  the  upper  valley  of  the  Ten 
nessee  river,  as  far  west  as  the  Mussel  Shoals,  and 
the  highlands  of  Carolina,  Georgia,  and  Alabama — 
considered  to  be  the  most  picturesque  and  salubrious 
country  east  of  the  Mississippi.     Their  towns  were 
generally  by  the  sides  of  the  creeks  and  rivers.     The 
Tugeloo,  Flint,  and  branches  of  the  Tennessee  were 
rivers  that  flowed   through  that  country,  to  which 
they  had  an  ardent  attachment. 

VI.  Southeast  of  the  Cherokees,  were  located  the 
Uchees,  who   claimed    the   land    above    and    below 
Augusta,  and  pride   themselves  on  being  the  oldest 
occupants  of  that  country.     They  now,  however,  form 
but  a  small  section  of  the  Creeks,  and  are  known  as 
a   distinct    family   by    their    singularly    harsh    and 
guttural  language. 

VII.  The   whole    country   southeast,   south,   and 
west  of  the   Cherokees  to  the  Atlantic  and  Gulf  of 
Mexico,  to  the  Mississippi  and  confluence  of  the  Ten 
nessee  and  Ohio,  with  the  exception  of  the  Uchees 
and  Natchez,  was  in  the  possession  of  one  of  the  great 
family  of  nations,  the  language  of  which  was  called 
Mobilian.     It  included  three  large  confederacies,  each 
of  which  still  exists,  and  it  is  thought,  even  with  some 
increase  of  numbers.     In  the  territory  bounded  by 
the  Ohio  on  the  north,  the  Mississippi  at  the  west, 


68 


HISTORY    OF    THE 


and  on  the  cast  by  a  line  drawn  from  the  bend  in  ehe 
Cumberland  river  to  the  Mussel  Shoals  of  the  Ten 
nessee,  and  extending  at  the  south,  into  the  State  of 
Mississippi,  dwelt  the  Chickasaws. 

Between  the  Mississippi  and  the  Tombigbee,  below 
the  Chickasaws,  was  the  country  of  the  Choetaws  : 
they  lived  in  compact  villages,  on. the  eastern  fron 
tier,  but,  through  the  interior  of  their  territory,  were 
much  scattered.  Dwelling  in  plains,  or  among  gentle 
hills,  they  excelled  all  other  North  American  Indians 
in  agricultural  pursuits— subsisting  chiefly  on  corn, 
and  placing  but  little  dependence  on  the  chase. 
The  number  of  their  fighting  men  is  supposed  to 
have  exceeded  4000. 

The  ridge,  that  divided  the  Tombigbee  from  the 
Alabama,  was  the  line  that  separated  the  Choetaws 
from  the  tribes  which  formed  the  Muskoffees,  or 

O  * 

Creeks.  The  territory  included  all  Florida,  and  ex 
tended  on  the  north  to  the  Cherokees ;  on  the  south 
east  and  east  to  the  Savannahs,  and  to  the  Atlantic, 
along  the  sea  ;  their  northern  limit  seems  to  have, 
extended  almost  to  Cape  Fear.  Their  population, 
although  spread  over  a  territory  four-fold  greater 
than  that  of  the  Choetaws,  did  not  exceed  them  in 
number.  Their  towns  were  situated  on  the  banks 
of  the  creeks,  in  which  their  country  abounded;  they 
followed  agricultural  pursuits  industriously.  The 
Yemassees,  on  the  Savannah,  it  is  thought,  formed 
one  of  their  bands  ;  and  the  Seminoles  of  Florida  are 
the  "wild  men"  of  this  confederacy,  but  separated 
from  them  by  choosing  the  wandering  life  of  the 


SHAV/NEE    INDIANS.  69 

hunter,  rather   than   the   more   settled  one   of  agri 
culture. 

The  whole  number  of  aborigines  dwelling  east  of 
the  Mississippi,  two  hundred  years  ago,  is  computed 
not  to  have  exceeded  one  hundred  and  eighty  thou 
sand  :  of  these,  the  Algonquin  family  are  recorded  at 
ninety  thousand  ;  the  eastern  Sioux,  less  than  three 
thousand  ;  the  Huron-Iroquois,  including  the  Tuscaro- 
ras,  about  seventeen  thousand  ;  the  Catabaws,  three 
thousand  ;  the  Uchees,  one  thousand  ;  the  Natchez, 
four  thousand ;  the  Cherokees,  twelve  thousand ; 
and  the  Mobilian  tribes,  it  appears,  are  now  more 
numerous  than  they  were  ever  known  to  be. 


HISTORY   OF    THE 


CHAPTER  XI. 


IN  the  beginning  of  the  year  1719.  a  disagree 
ment,  which  happened  about  that  time,  between  the 
southern  Indians  and  the  Pennsylvanians,  of  whom  the 
Shawnees  formed  a  part,  and  made  northward,  ap 
peared  to  demand  the  attention  of  the  government  in 
order  to  prevent  further  ill  consequences.  Accord 
ingly,  in  the  year  1721,  as  the  dispute  still  continued 
and  seemed  to  increase  between  them,  further  en 
deavors  and  suitable  means  were  used  for  that  salu 
tary  purpose. 

The  governor,  in  the  spring,  made  a  journey  into 
Virginia  on  this  occasion,  and,  also,  held  a  treaty  at 
Conestoga,  in  Pennsylvania,  with  the  Indians.;  £&.fter 
his  return,  on  which  occasion  he  advised  them  as  fol 
lows:  "My  friends  and  brothers,  it  is  a  great  satis 
faction  to  me,  that  I  have  this  opportunity  of  speak 
ing  to  the  valiant  and  wise  Five  Nations  of  Indians, 
whom  you  tell  me  you  are  fully  empowered  to 
represent. 

"  I  am  glad  to  find  that  you  remember  what  Wm. 
Penn  formerly  said  to  you.  He  was  a  great  and  a 
good  man  ;  his  own  people  loved  him.  He  was  as 
their  father;  he  would  never  suffer  them  to  be 


SHAWNEE    INDIANS.  71 

wronged  ;  neither  would  he  suffer  his  people  to  enter 
upon  any  lands  until  he  had  first  purchased  them 
of  the  Indians.  He  was  just,  and,  therefore,  the 
Indians  loved  him. 

"  Though  he  is  now  removed  from  us,  yet  his 
children  and  people,  following  his  example,  will 
always  teach  the  same  course ;  so  that  his  and  our 
posterity  will  be  as  a  long  chain,  of  which  he  was 
the  first  link  ;  where  our  link  ends,  another  begins, 
and  thus  another — binding  all  firmly  together,  in  one 
strong  chain,  to  endure  forever. 

"He  formerly  knit  the  chain  of  friendship  with  you 
or  the  chiefs  of  all  the  Indians  in  these  parts  ;  and 
lest  this  chain  should  grow  rusty,  you  now  desire  it 
may  be  scoured  and  made  strong,  to  bind  us  as  one 
people  together.  We  do  assure  you,  it  is,  and  has 
always  been  bright  on  our  side,  and  so  will  we  ever 
keep  it. 

"  Nevertheless,  if  any  little  disorder  should,  at 
any  time  hereafter  arise,  we  will  endeavor  that  it 
shall  not  break  or  weaken  the  chain  of  friendship 
between  us;  to  which  end,  if  any  of  your  people 
take  offense,  you  must,  in  that  case,  apply  to  me  or 
to  our  chief;  and  when  we  have  any  cause  to  com 
plain,  we  shall,  as  you  desire,  apply  to  your  chiefs, 
by  our  friends,  the  Conestoga  Indians;  but  on  both 
sides,  we  must  labor  to  prevent  everything  of  this 
kind  as  much  as  we  can. 

"  I  am  aware  that  rum  is  very  hurtful  to  the  Indians, 
consequently  we  have  made  laws  that  none  should 
be  carried  among  them,  or,  if  any  should  be,  that  it 


72  HISTORY    OF    TIMS 

should  be  destroyed  and  thrown  upon  the  ground ; 
and  the  Indians  have  been  directed  to  destroy 
all  the  rum  that  comes  within  their  way  ;  but  they 
will  not  do  it,  but  sell  it  among  their  own  people,  at 
high  prices.  I  would  gladly  make  any  laws  to  pre 
vent  its  use,  that  could  be  effectual ;  but  their  coun 
try  is  so  wide,  the  woods  arc  so  dark  and  private, 
and  so  far  out  of  my  sight,  that  if  the  Indians  do  not 
prohibit  their  people,  there  is  no  other  way  to  prevent 
it;  for  my  part,  I  shall  readily  join  in  any  measures 
that  can  be  proposed  fur  so  good  a  purpose. 

"I  have  now,  my  friends  and  brothers,  said  all  that 
can  be  of  any  service  at  this  time  ;  and  I  give  you 
these  things  here  laid  before  you,  to  confirm  my 
words,  viz  :  five  coats,  twenty  pounds  of  powder,  forty 
pounds  of  lead,  for  each  of  the  Five  Nations  :  that  is, 
twenty  coats,  one  hundred  pounds  of  powder,  and 
two  hundred  pounds  of  lead,  in  the  whole,  which  I 
desire  delivered  to  them,  with  these  words,  in  my 
manner,  and  on  behalf  of  this  province. 

"I  shall  be  glad  to  see,  often,  some  of  your  chief 
men  sent  in  the  name  of  all  the  rest ;  and  desire  that 
you  will  come  to  Philadelphia  to  visit  our  families 
and  our  children  born  there,  where  we  can  provide 
better  for  you  and  make  you  more  welcome — for 
people  always  receive  their  friends  best  at  their  own 
houses.  I  heartily  wish  you  well  on  your  journey, 
and  good  success  in  it;  and,  when  you  return  home, 
I  desire  you  will  give  my  very  kind  love,  and  the 
love  of  all  my  people,  to  your  kings  and  to  all  your 
people." 


SHAWNEE    INDIANS.  73 


CHAPTER  XII. 


IN  the  spring  of  the  year  1722,  an  Indian  was 
barbarously  killed  within  the  limits  of  Pennsylvania, 
somewhere  above  Conestoga.  The  murder  was  sup 
posed  to  have  been  perpetrated  by  one  or  two  per 
sons,  by  the  name  of  Cartenright.  The  governor 
having  commissioned  James  Logan  to  inquire  into  the 
affair ;  after  his  return,  at  the  request  of  the  As 
sembly,  he  laid  his  report  of  it  before  them.  The 
House,  in  their  address  to  the  governor  thereon, 
expressed  thejfc- utmost  concern  on  this  affair;  they 
gratefully  acknowledged,  and  highly  commended  the 
governor's  present  conduct  and  steadfast  administra 
tion  of  justice  ;  but  more  especially  at  that  time,  on  an 
occasion  of  the  greatest  importance  to  the  peace  and 
safety  of  the  government,  by  his  empowering  two 
gentlemen  of  his  council,  so  able  and  prudent,  on -the 
present  jocca&ion,  whose  wise  conduct,  said  they,  is 
very  conspicuous,  from  their  report  laid  before  the 
House  by  the  governor;  that,  at  the  relation  of  this 
dismal  circumstance,  they  were  filled  with  horror  and 
surprise,  that,  after  so  long  a  continuance  of  the  peace 
first  settled  by  the  honorable  proprietary,  William 
Penh,  with  the  Indians,  any  breach  should  be  made 


74  HISTORY    OF    TIIJE 

by  those  under  the  name  of  Christians,  to  the  re 
proach  of  that  name  and  danger  of  the  safety  and 
peace  both  of  this  province  and  others. 

They  earnestly  requested  the  governor  to  persist 
in  his  exertions  to  bring  the  aggressors  to  condign 
punishment  with  all  possible  speed,  lest,  by  delay  of 
justice,  the  Indians  should  be  induced  to  withdraw 
their  allegiance  to  the  crown  of  Great  Britain  and  af 
fection  from  the  government,  and  be  provoked  to  do 
themselves  justice  in  a  manner  that  might  be  of  dan 
gerous  consequences  ;  that  he  would  advise  with  his 
council  in  making  treaties  with  them,  for,  said  they, 
as  they  are  some  of  the  principal  inhabitants  of  this 
government,  we  have  no  reason  to  doubt  it  will  be 
concerned  for  the  good  of  the  same. 

They  further  pressed  the  maintaining  of  the 
"  League"  of  friendship  made  by  their  worthy  pro 
prietary  as  a  thing  of  the  greatest  consequence  that 
could  possibly  come  before  them  ;  and,  therefore, 
they  unanimously  recommended  the  execution  of 
strict  justice,  as  the  best  and  most  effectual  means 
for  that  end  ;  the  want  of  which,  in  the  apprehension 
of  that  vindictive  people,  had  produced  sad  and  fatal 
consequences  to  those  provinces  ;  they  likewise  pro 
posed  to  the  governor's  consideration  some  particulars 
to  be  immediately  done  in  this  affair,  and  mentioned 
the  repeated  request  of  the  Indians,  that  strong  liquor 
should  not  be  sold  or  carried  among  them,  with  the 
petition  of  sundry  inhabitants  of  the  provinces  to  the 
same  import,  which  the  laws,  hitherto  made  in  that 
case,  had  not  been  able  to  prevent;  they,  therefore, 


SHAWNKE    INDIANS.  75 

requested  advice  and  assistance  of  the  governor  and 
council  therein. 

The  governor  thanked  them  for  the  great  satisfac 
tion  they  expressed  with  his  conduct  and  administra 
tion  ;  and  declared  that  he  had  carefully  endeavored 
to  follow  the  late  honorable  proprietary's  steps  in 
such  affairs  ;  to  keep  the  nation  always  in  a  lively 
and  perfect  remembrance  of  his  love  to  them,  and  to 
build  all  their  treaties  of  peace  with  them  upon  the 
same  principles  and  maxims  of  good  policy  which  he 
used  and  maintained  when  he  was  here  himself.  He 
likewise  assured  the  house  that  he  had,  at  that  time, 
all  the  probability,  that  the  nature  of  the  case  would 
admit  of,  for  settling  matters  again  with  the  Indian 
nations  upon  that  just,  firm,  and  friendly  foundation, 
which  the  house  so  earnestly  desired  and  recom 
mended  to  him.  He  acknowledged  the  inefficiency 
of  the  laws  in  restraining  the  people  from  carrying 
rum  and  selling  it  among  the  Indians,  thereby  de 
bauching  and  cheating  them,  which,  he  said,  he  had 
complained  of  to  previous  Assemblies. 

Great  pains  were  taken  in  the  affair  ;  an  Indian 
messenger,  Sachecho,  was  dispatched  to  the  Five 
Nations ;  the  suspected  persons  were  committed  to 
prison,  and  the  governor,  with  two  of  the  council, 
met  and  treated  with  the  Five  Nations  at  Albany 
respecting  it ;  beside  the  presents  which  were  made 
to  the  Indians,  the  Five  Nations  desired  that  the 
Cartenrights  should  not  suffer  death,  and  the  affair  at 
length  was  entirely  settled. 

At  a  treaty  held  with  the  Six  Nations  at  Philadel- 


76 


HISTORY    OF    T1IK 


phia,  in  July  1742,  Governor  Thomas's  administra 
tion,    Canassatego,    chief  of  the    Onondagas,  said : 
"  We  are  all  very  sensible  of  the  kind  regards  which 
that  good  man,  William  Penn,  had  for  all  the  Indians." 
At  this  treaty,  these  Indians  there  expressed  them 
selves  respecting  James  Logan,  which  further  shows 
the  sense  and  gratitude  of  the  people,  when  they  are 
well  treated.     Canassatego  then  spoke  to  the  governor 
and  council  :  "  Brethren,  we  called  at  our  old  friend's, 
James  Logan,  on  our  way  to  this  city,  and,  to  our  grief, 
we  found  him  hid  in  the  bushes  and  retired,  through 
infirmities,  from  public  business.     We  pressed  him  to 
leave  his  retirement,  and  prevailed  with  him  to  assist 
us  once  more  on  our  account  at  your  council.     We 
hope,  notwithstanding  his  age  and  effect  of  sickness, 
which,  we  understand,  have  hurt  his  constitution,  that 
he  may  yet  continue  a  long  time  to  assist  this  province 
with  his  counsel.     He  is  a  wise  man,  and  a  fast  friend 
to  the  Indians  ;  and  we  desire,  when  his  soul  goes  to 
God,  you  may  choose,  in  his  room,  just  such  another 
person,  of  the  same  prudence  and  ability  in  counsel 
ing,  and  of  the  same  tender  disposition  and  affection 
for  the  Indians.     In  testimony  of  our  gratitude  for 
all  his  services,  and,  because  he  was  so  good  as  to 
leave  his  country  house  and  follow  us  to   town,  and 
be  at  the  trouble,  in  this,  his  advanced  age,  to  attend 
this  council,  we  present  him  with  a  bundle  of  skins 
in  token  of  our  love." 

After  the  governor  had  concluded,  James  Logan 
replied  to  that  part  of  Canassatego's  speech  which 
related  to  him,  and  said  :  "  that  not  only  our  account 


8H&WNEE    INDIANS.  77 

of  his  lameness,  of  which  the  Indians  themselves 
were  witnesses,  but  on  account  of  another  indisposi 
tion  which,  about  three  years  since,  had  laid  him 
under  an  incapacity  of  expressing  himself  with  his 
former  usual  freedom,  he  had  been  obliged  to  live 
retired  in  the  country.  But  that  our  proprietor,  the 
Honorable  William  Penn,  who  had  ever  been  a  faith 
ful  and  sincere  friend  to  the  Indians,  having,  about 
forty  years  since,  recommended  them  to  his  particular 
care,  he  had  always,  from  his  own  inclination,  as  well 
as  by  that  strict  charge,  endeavored  to  convince  all 
the  Indians  that  he  was  their  real  friend;  and  was 
now  well  pleased,  after  a  trial  of  so  many  years,  that 
they  were  not  insensible  of  it.  He  thanked  them 
kindly  for  their  presents,  and  heartily  joined  with 
them  in  their  desires,  that  the  governor  may  always 
be  furnished  with  persons  of  equally  good  intentions  ; 
and,  not  only  such,  but  also  with  better  abilities  to 
serve  them." 

About  seven  years  subsequently,  viz  :  1749,  a 
council  was  held  during  the  administration  -of  James 
Hamilton,  with  the  Seneca  and  other  Indians,  in 
Philadelphia  ;  on  which  occasion  Ogassatash,  in  part 
of  his  speech,  thus  expressed  himself: 

"We  recommend  to  the  governor  to  tread  in  the 
footsteps  of  those  wise  men  who  have  held  the  nuns 
of  government  before  him,  in  being  good  and  kind 
to  the  Indians.  Do,  brother,"  said  he,  "make  it 
your  study  to  consult  the  interest  of  our  Indian  na 
tions,  as  you  -have  so  large  an  authority.  You  can 


78 


HISTORY"    OF    THE 


do  as  much  good  as  harm;  we  would/ therefore,  en 
gage  your  influence  and  affections  for  us  that  the 
same  harmony  and  affection  for  us  may  subsist  during 
your  government,  which  happily  subsisted  in  former 
times,  from  the  first  settlement  of  the  province,  by 
our  great  and  good  friend,  William  Penn." 

So  long  as  a  kind  and  conciliatory  treatment  con 
tinued  to  be  observed  between  the  Indians  in  Penn 
sylvania  and  New  Jersey,  the  friendship  which  ex 
isted  between  them  and  the  settlers  was  but  little,  "if 
at  all  interrupted.  For  more  than  seventy  years  we 
hear  of  no  interruption  of  the  cordial  understanding 
between  the  parties;  but  when  a  different  line  of 
conduct  was  introduced  into  the  government  of  the 
States,  symptoms  of  discord  and  mutiny  quickly  made 
their  appearance. 

James  Logan,  who  held  the  office  of  secretary  to 
the  governor,  and  principal  agent  or  commissioner  of 
land  affairs,  for  nearly  forty  years,  by  his  upright  and 
judicious  management,  contributed  powerfully  to  the 
preservation  of  the  friendship  and  alliance  of  the  In 
dians.  Upon  his  death,  in  the  year  1751,  the  man 
agement  of  Indian  affairs  passed  into  other  hands, 
by  whom  a  very  different  line  of  policy  was  pursued 
toward  them.  About  this  time,  also,  a  strong  cur 
rent  of  prejudice  set  in  against  the  peaceable  man 
ner  with  which  the  affairs  of  the  province  had 
been  managed  by  the  Friends ;  and  endeavors 
were  used  to  prevent  them,  as  much  as  possible, 
from  their  being  returned  as  representatives  of  the 


SHAW  NEE   INDIANS.  79 

Assembly.  This  was  so  far  ^successful  that,  in 
1756,  not  more  than  twelve  out  of  the  thirty-six 
who  composed  that  body,  were  members  of  the 
Society  of  Friends. 

The  effect  of  this  altered  state  of  things  was  very 
soon  to  bring  about  an  open  rupture  between  the  In 
dians  and  the  government,  which  was  attended  with 
the  most  calamitous  results,  in  which  ravages  of  a 
frightful  description  were  committed  by  the  irritated 
Indians,  who  were  greatly  incensed  on  account  of 
the  abuses  they  suffered,  with  reprisals  on  the  part 
of  the  whites,  scarcely  less  barbarous  in  their  char 
acter.  The  cause  alleged  for  this  outbreak  by 
the  natives,  in  the  various  conferences  held  with 
them,  between  the  years  1755  and  1763,  are  thus 
described  : 

1.  The   abuses   committed    in   the    Indian   trade, 
which  had  been  more  or  less  of  long  continuance, 
and  very  difficult  to  be   properly  regulated    or   re 
dressed,   though,   doubtless,   a  great  part  of  them 
might  have  been   better  guarded   against  and  pre 
vented  than  they  really  were. 

2.  Their  being,  as  they  insisted  in  the  latter  years, 
unjustly   deprived    or   dispossessed  of  part  of  their 
lands. 

3.  The  death  of  Wakahela,  the  Delaware  chief, 
who  was    hung    in   New    Jersey,   many  years    ago, 
which  they  could  not  forget,  and  say  it  was  only  for 
accidentallv  killing  a  man. 


80  HISTORY    OF    THE 

4.  The  imprisonment  of  some  Sha\vnee  warriors  in 
North   Carolina,  in  time   of  peace,   when   the    chief 
man  of  the  party  died. 

5.  The  instigations  of  the  French,  who  made  art 
ful  use  of  their   complaints,   disorders,    discontents, 
etc.,  to  unite  them  against  the  English  in  the   late 
war. 


8HAWNEE    INDIANS.  81 


CHAPTER    XIII. 


IT  is  no  easy  matter  to  trace  the  history  of  the 
Shawnees  from  the  year  1761  to  that  of  1786,  and 
still  more  difficult  to  point  out  their  place  of  residence 
during  that  period.  It  seems  pretty  certain  that  they 
were  of  the  Adirondacks,  or  Algonquins ;  which 
nation  appears  to  have  been  the  owners  of  the  whole 
country  from  Cape  Cansa  and  the  Bay  of  Gaspe  to 
the  branches  of  the  Mississippi,  from  the  Cumberland 
river,  in  Kentucky,  and  Cape  Fear;  and  the  pre 
sumption  is,  from  the  Savannah  river  to  the  country 
of  the  Esquimaux.  This  fact  of  their  being  all  of  the 
same  great  nation  is  very  justly  inferred  from  the 
circumstance  of  their  speaking  the  same  language 
throughout  this  vast  extent  of  territory. 

It  will  be  seen  that,  in  the  year  1682,  when  Wil 
liam  Penn  made  his  celebrated  treaty  with  the 
Indians  in  the  neighborhood  of  Philadelphia,  the 
Shawnees  were  a  party  to  the  treaty  in  common  with 
other  tribes  who  composed  the  great  nation  of  Algon 
quins,  and  they  must  have  been  considered  a  very 
prominent  band,  from  the  fact  of  their  having  pre 
served  the  treaty  in  their  own  possession  or  keeping, 
as  we  are  informed  tluxt,  at  a  treaty  held  with  them 
6 


82  HISTORY    OF    THE 

and  the  Mingoes,  another  branch  of  the  Algonquins, 
by  the  governor  of  Pennsylvania,  the  Shawnees  pro 
duced  this  treaty  on  parchment  to  the  governor ;  this 
treaty  was  many  years  after  the  treaty  of  1682.  It 
is  the  custom  with  the  Indian  tribes  who  make  a  joint 
treaty  with  the  whites,  to  commit  the  preservation  of 
the  papers  containing  the  treaty,  etc.,  to  such  of  the 
bands  as  are  considered  most  to  be  trusted. 

From  the  most  authentic  information  of  the  early 
geographers,  it  appears  that  the  Basin  of  the  Cum 
berland  river  was  the  residence  of  the  Shawnees 
before  the  settlement  of  the  Europeans  on  the  conti 
nent,  and  that  they  connected  the  different  sections 
of  the  great  Algonquin  families. 

It  appears  also  that,  after  the  treaty  of  1682,  a 
part  of  them  lived  near  Winchester,  Virginia,  but 
that  the  principal  band  removed  from  their  hunting- 
ground  in  Kentucky,  on  the  Cumberland  river,  to  the 
head-waters  of  one  of  the  great  rivers  of  South 
Carolina,  perhaps  the  Congaree,  which  heads  about 
the  corner  of  South  Carolina  nearest  to  Kentucky; 
and  at  a  later  day  (date  not  given)  four  hundred  of 
them,  who  had  wandered  in  the  woods  for  four  years, 
were  found  a  little  north  of  the  head-waters  of  the 
Mobile  river,  on  their  way  to  the  country  of  the 
Muskosfees,  or  Creeks.  The  most  northern  branch 

O  ' 

of  the  head-waters  of  the  Mobile  river  is  in  the 
northeast  corner  of  the  State  of  Alabama,  and  is 
about  one  hundred  and  fifty  miles  from  the  most 
northern  bend  of  the  Tennessee  river,  and  about  one 
hundred  miles,  as  shown  on  the  maps,  from  the  lines 


SHAWNEE    INDIANS.  83 

which  divides  Kentucky  from  Alabama,  and  about 
one  hundred  and  fifty  miles  from  the  Cumberland 
river,  about  a  south  course  from  Nashville  and  nearly 
in  the  direction  of  the  Muskogees,  or  Creeks,  whose 
territory  included  the  whole  of  Florida. 

In  the  year  1684,  Lasalle,  a  Frenchman,  set  out1  on 
a  second  expedition  for  the  discovery  of  the  mouth  of 
the  Mississippi,  but  before  he  had  effected  his  object, 
he  was  murdered  by  the  Indians.  In  the  year  1694, 
a  man  by  the  name  of  M.  Iberville  set  out  on  a  voy? 
age  of  the  same  kind.  Bienville,  one  in  command  in 
the  same  expedition,  on  the  14th  of  August,  found  a 
basket  in  possession  of  some  Indians,  containing  a 
paper  upon  which  the  names  of  many  individuals 
belonging  to  Lasalle's  expedition  were  written,  and  a 
letter  addressed  to  M.  D.  Zanti,  from  which  he 
learned  that,  having  heard  from  Canada  of  his  depar 
ture  from  France,  he  had  descended  to  the  sea  with 
twenty  Canadians  and  thirty  Shawnee  Indians  from  the 
river  Wabash.  This  appears  to  have  been  on  the  first 
expedition  of  Lasalle,  which  was,  of  course,  prior  to 
the  one  above-mentioned,  which  was  in  the  year  1684, 
but  how  long  before  we  are  not  informed.  Thus  it 
seems,  that  previous  to  the  year  1684,  some  of  the 
Shawnees  lived  on  the  Wabash,  but  what  became  of 
the  thirty  Shawnees  who  accompanied  Lasalle,  we 
cannot  tell.  It  is  not  ascertained  from  any  account 
we  have  seen,  where  Lasalle  landed  after  embarking 
at  the  time  alluded  to,  but  probably  those  thirty 
Shawnees  got  into  Florida  or  Texas,  soon  after  that 
time,  and  never  returned  to  the  Wabash  coiintrv. 


84  HISTORY    OF    THH 

About  the  year  1678,  seventy  families  of  the 
Shawnees  removed  from  South  Carolina  and  settled 
on  the  Susquehanna  river,  in  Pennsylvania ;  others 
of  the  sanre  tribe  soon  followed,  so  that  the  number 
of  fighting  men  of  this  tribe,  who  in  the  year  1732 
had  got  back  to  Pennsylvania,  amounted  to  seven 
hundred,  half  of  whom  were  from  the  south. 

This  number  of  the  Shawnee  tribe,  which  included 
these  seven  hundred  fighting  men,  it  is  presumed, 
only  included  that  band  which  had  gone  to  South 
Carolina ;  but  as  it  is  evident  that  these  seven  hun 
dred  men  did  not  include  all  the  Shawnees,  we  can 
account  for  the  remainder  by  including  another  band, 
which  is  spoken  of  by  Cadwallader  Golden,  who,  after 
remarking,  in  1745,  that  the  Shawnees  were  the 

<D  " 

most  restless  of  all  the  Indian  tribes,  says,  that  one 
tribe  of  them  had  gone  to  New  Spain.  This  band 
of  four  hundred  and  fifty,  who  were  found  north  of 
the  head-waters  of  the  Mobile  river,  probably  never 
did  return  to  Pennsylvania,  as  they  were  on  their 
way  to  New  Spain ;  and  as  regards  that  band  who 
lived  near  Winchester,  Virginia,  it  is  uncertain  where 
they  went  to  from  that  place  ;  but  they  probably  went 
to  the  Alleghany,  near  Fort  Duquesne,  where  Pitts 
burgh  now  stands,  and  afterward  to  Cape  Girardeau, 
between  the  Whitewater  and  Mississippi  rivers  ;  but 
of  this  fact  more  will  be  said  in  its  proper  place. 

Thus  far  the  history  of  the  Shawnees  has  been 
written  without  any  account  of  their  being  engaged 
in  wars;  and  how  comfortable  would  be  the  task,  to 
continue  to  follow  them  through  the  wilds  of  Anicilca, 


6HAWNEE    INDIANS.  85 

without  having  to  trace  their  course  through  the 
bloody  scenes  through  which  they  passed  from  the 
year  1755  until  peace  again  lighted  up  their  path, 
and  we  see  them  laying  aside  the  cruel  and  destructive 
.weapons  of  war  for  the  implements  of  husbandry. 

During  the  war  between  France  and  England, 
about  the  year  1755,  the  Shawnees,  as  well  as  the 
other  tribes,  complained  much  of  ill  treatment  from 
the  whites ;  the  French  making  an  artful  use  of  their 
discontent  to  unite  them  against  the  English  in  the 
war  between  these  two  powers.  It  is  probable  that  a 
part  of  the  Shawnees  joined  the  French  in  that  war, 
a  number  of  whom  were  in  the  expedition  which  went 
out  to  meet  Gen.  Braddook,  by  whom  he  was  defeated 
on  the  Laurel  Hills,  and  who  were  engaged  for  some 
time  in  a  most  disastrous  and  barbarous  war  against 
the  inhabitants  of  Pennsylvania  and  Virginia.  As 
these  people  never  forgot  an  injury,  and  about  that 
year,  1755,  they  complained  that  some  of  their 
'warriors  were  imprisoned  in  North  Carolina,  in  time 
of  peace,  when  their  chief  man  died  in  prison,  and 
as  this  was  to  them  a  grievous  act,  after  so  long  a 
time  of  peace,  it  is  not  to  be  expected,  considering 
the  nature  of  an  Indian,  anything  short  of  restitu 
tion  or  revenge  would  ever  satisfy  them.  From 
this  it  may  be  fairly  inferred,  then,  that  they  joined 
the  enemies  of  the  colonies  in  this  war;  and,  probably, 
that  band  who  lived  near  Winchester  now  took  part 
in  that  war. 


HISTORY    OF    THE 


CHAPTER    XIV. 


AT  confederated  councils  held  near  the  mouth  of 
the  Detroit  river,  on  the  28th  of  November  and  18th 
of  December,  1786;  present,  the  Five  Nations,  the 
Hurons,  Shawnees,  Ottawas,  Chippewas,  Pottawato- 
mies,  Twitchtwees,  Cherokees,  and  Wabash  Indians, 
the  following  address  was  prepared  and  adopted  by 
them,  viz  : 

"  To  the  Congress  of  1he  United  States  :— BRETHREN 
of  the  United  States  of  America,  it  is  now  more  than 
three  years  since  peace  was  made  between  the  king 
of  England  and  you;  but  we,  the  Indians,  were  dis^ 
appointed  in  not  finding  ourselves  included  in  the 
peace,  according  to  our  expectations  ;  for  we  thought 
that  its  conclusions  would  have  promoted  a  friendship 
between  you  and  the  Indians,  and  that  we  might 
enjoy  that  happiness  that  formerly  existed  between 
us  and  our  elder  brethren.  We  have  received  too 
many  agreeable  messages  from  the  thirteen  United 
States.  We  have,  also,  received  a  message  from  the 
king,  whose  war  we  were  engaged  in,  desiring  us  to 
remain  quiet,  which  we  accordingly  complied  with. 
During  this  time  of  tranquillity,  we  were  deliberating 
on  the  best  method  to  form  a  lasting  reconciliation 


SliAWISEE    INDIANS.  87 

with  the  thirteen  United  States.  We  were  pleased 
at  the  thought  that  \ve  were  entering,  indeed,  upon 
a  reconciliation  with  a  set  of  people  born  on  the 
same  continent  with  ourselves,  and  certain  that  the 
quarrel  between  us  was  not  of  our  own  making.  In 
the  course  of  our  councils  we  imagined  that  we  hit 
upon  an  expedient  for  a  lasting  peace  between  us. 

"  Brothers,  we  are  still  of  the  same  opinion,  as  to 
the  means  which  may  tend  to  reconcile  us  to  each 
other,  and  we  are  sorry  to  find,  although  we  had  the 
best  thoughts  in  our  hearts  during  the  before-men 
tioned  period,  mischief  has,  nevertheless,  happened 
between  you  and  us.  We  are  still  anxious  to  find  a 
place  of  accommodation,  and  to  have  it  put  into  exe 
cution,  and  we  shall  briefly  inform  you  of  the  means 
that  seem  most  likely  to  us  to  effect  a  firm  and  last 
ing  peace  and  reconciliation,  the  first  step  toward 
which  should  be  with  the  general  voice  of  the  whole 
confederacy,  and  carried  on  in  the  most  open  manner, 
without  restraint  on  either  side ;  and  as  land  matters 
are  often  the  subject  of  our  councils  with  you,  a 
matter  of  the  greatest  importance  and  of  general 
concern  to  us  in  this  case,  we  hold  it  indispensably 
necessary  that  any  cession  of  our  land  should  be 
made  in  the  most  public  manner,  and  by  the  united 
voice  of  the  confederacy,  holding  all  partial  treaties 
as  void  and  of  none  effect. 

"  Brothers,  we  think  it  is  owing  to  you  that  the 
tranquillity,  which,  since  the  peace  existed  between 
us,  has  not  lasted,  and  that  essential  good  has  been 
followed  by  mischief  and  confusion,  having  managed 


88  HISTORY    OF    THS 

everything  respecting  us  in  your  own  way.  You 
kindled  your  council -fires  when  you  thought  proper, 
without  consulting  us,  at  which  you  held  separate 
treaties,  and  hence  entirely  neglected  our  plan  of 
having  a  general  conference  with  the  different  nations 
of  the  confederacy.  Had  this  happened,  we  have 
reason  to  believe  everything  would  have  now  been 
settled  between  us  in  a  most  friendly  way.  We  did 
everything  in  our  power,  at  the  treaty  held  at  Fort 
Stanwix,  to  induce  you  to  follow  this  plan,  as  our 
real  intentions  were  at  that  very  time  to  promote 
peace  and  good-will  between  us,  and  that  we  might 
look  upon  each  other  as  friends,  having  given  you  no 
cause  to  be  otherwise. 

"  Brothers,  notwithstanding  the  mischief  that  has 
happened,  we  are  sincere  in  our  wishes  to  have  peace 
and  tranquillity  established  between  us,  and  earnestly 
hoping  to  find  the  same  in  you.  We  wish,  therefore, 
you  would  take  this  matter  into  serious  consideration 
and  let  us  speak  to  you  in  the  manner  proposed.  Let 
us  have  a  treaty  with  you  early  in  the  spring ;  let  us 
pursue  reasonable  steps  ;  let  us  meet  half  way  for  our 
convenience,  and  we  shall  then  bring  into  oblivion 
the  misfortunes  that  have  happened,  and  meet  each 
other  on  a  footing  of  friendship. 

"  Brothers,  we  say,  let  us  meet  half  way,  and  let 
us  pursue  such  steps  as  become  upright  and  honest 
men.  We  beg  that  you  will  prevent  your  surveyors 
and  other  people  from  coming  upon  our  side  of  the 
Ohio  river.  We  have  told  you  before,  that  we  wished 
to  pursue  just  steps,  and  we  are  determined  they 


5HAWNEE    INDIANS.  89 

shall  appear  just  and  reasonable  in  the  eyes  of  the 
world  ;  that  is  the  determination  of  ail  the  chiefs  now 
assembled  here,  notwithstanding  the  accidents  that 
have  happened  in  our  village,  even  when  in  council, 
where  several  chiefs  were  killed  while  absolutely  en 
gaged  in  promoting  a  peace  with  you,  the  thirteen 
United  States. 

"Although  thus  interrupted,  the  chiefs  here  pre 
sent  wish  to  meet  you  in  the  spring  for  the  before- 
mentioned  good  purpose,  when  we  hope  to  speak 
to  each  other  without  haughtiness  or  menaces. 
Brothers,  we  again  request  of  you,  in  the  most  ear 
nest  manner,  to  order  your  surveyors  and  others, 
that  mark  out  lands,  to  cease  from  crossing  the  Ohio, 
until  we  shall  have  spoken  to  you,  because  the  mis 
chief  that  has  recently  happened,  has  originated  in 
that  quarter;  we  shall  likewise  prevent  our  people 
from  going  over,  until  that  time. 

"Brothers,  it  shall  not  be  our  fault  if  the  plan,  we 
have  proposed  to  you,  shall  not  be  carried  into 
effect ;  in  that  case,  the  event  will  be  very  disastrous, 
and  if  fresh  ruptures  ensue,  we  hope  to  be  all  able  to 
clear  ourselves,  and  shall  most  assuredly,  with  our 
united  force,  be  obliged  to  defend  those  rights  and 
privileges  which  have  been  transmitted  to  us  by  our 
ancestors,  and  if  we  should  thereby  be  reduced  to 
misfortune,  the  world  will  pity  us  when  they  think 
of  the  amicable  proposals  we  now  make  to  prevent 
unnecessary  effusion  of  blood.  These  are  our 
thoughts  and  firm  resolutions,  and  we  earnestly 


HISTORY    OF    THJS 

desire  that  you  will  transmit  to  us,  as  soon  as  possible, 
your  answer,  be  it  what  it  may. 

"Done  at  our  confederated  council-fire  at  the 
Huron  village,  near  the  mouth  of  the  Detroit  river, 
Dec.  18th,  1786." 

Signed:  The  Five  Nations,  Hurons,  Ottawas, 
-Twitchtwees,  Shawnees,  Chippewas,  Cherokees, 
Delawares,  Pottawatomies.  —  The  Walash  Confed 
erates. 


6HAWNEE    INDIANS.  91 


CHAPTER    XV. 


THE  first  treaty  I  find  on  record  made  between  the 
United  States  and  the  Shawnees,  separately  as  a 
nation,  was  held  in  the  year  1786,  which  is  con 
tained  in  the  "  Congressional  Documents,"  and  is  as 
follows  : 

"Article  of  agreement  concluded  at  the  mouth  of 
the  Great  Miami,  on  the  north-west  bank  of  the  OJ}io> 
31st  of  January,  1786,  between  the  Commissioners 
Plenipotentiary  of  the  United  States  of  America,  of 
the  one  part,  and  the  Shawnees,  native  Indians, 
of  the  other  part. 

"ART.  1.  These  hostages  shall  be  immediately 
delivered  to  the  Commissioner,  to  remain  in  the  pos 
session  of  the  United  States,  until  all  the  persons, 
white  and  black,  who  were  taken  in  the  late  war 
from  among  the  citizens  of  the  United  States  by  the 
Shawnee  nation,  or  by  any  other  Indians  residing  in 
their  towns,  shall  be  returned. 

"ART.  2.  The  Shawnees  do  acknowledge  the 
United  States  to  be  the  sole  and  absolute  sovereigns 
of  all  the  territory  ceded  to  them  by  a  treaty  of 
peace,  made  between  them  and  the  king  of  England, 


GO  * 

HISTORY    OF    THE 

the  14th  day  of  January,  one  thousand  seven  hundred 
and  eighty -four. 

"ART.  3.  If  any  Indian  or  Indians  of  the  Shaw- 
nee's  nation,  or  any  other  Indian  or  Indians  residing 
m  the  territories,  shall  commit  murder,  or  do  any 
injury  to  any  citizen  of  the  United  States,  on  any  of 
them,  that  the  nation  shall  deliver  such  offender,  or 
offenders,  to  the  officer  commanding  the  nearest  post 
of  the  United  States,  to  be  punished  according  to  the 
ordinance  of  Congress;  and  in  like  manner,  a°ny  citi 
zen  of  the  United  States,  who  shall  do  an  injury  to 
any  Indians  of  the  Shawnees'  nation,  or  any  other 
Indian  or  Indians  residing  in  the  other's  towns  and 
under  their  protection,  shall  be  punished  according 
to  the  laws  of  the  United  States. 

"ART.  4.  The  Shawnee  nation  having  know 
ledge  of  the  intention  of  any  nation  or  body  of  In 
dians  making  war  on  any  citizen  or  citizens  of  the 
United  States,  of  their  counseling  together  for  that 
purpose,  and  neglecting  to  give  information  to  the 
commanding  officer  of  the  nearest  post  of  the  United 
States,  shall  be  considered  as  parties  in  such  war, 
and  be  punished  accordingly;  and  the  United  States 
shall,  in  like  manner,  inform  the  Shawnees  of  any 
injury  designed  against  them. 

"ART.  5.     The  United  States  do  grant  peace  to 
.  the  Shawnee  nation,  and  do  receive  them  into  their 
friendship  and  protection. 

•  "ART.  6.     The    United    States   do   allot   to   the 
Shawnee  nation,  land  within  their  territory,  to  live 


8HAWXEB    INDIANS.  93 

and  hunt  on,  beginning  at  the  line  of  the  lands  allot 
ted  to  the  Wyandot  and  Delaware  nations,  at  the 
place  where  the  main  branch  of  the  great  Miami, 
which  falls  into  the  Ohio  and  intersects  said  line ; 
then  down  the  Miami  river  to  the  fork  of  that  river 
next  to  the  Old  Fort,  which  was  taken  by  the  French 
in  the  year  one  thousand  seven  hundred  and  fifty- 
two  ;  thence  due  west  to  the  river  Delapasse,  then 
down  that  river  to  the  Wabash  river ;  beyond  which 
line  none  of  the  citizens  of  the  United  States  shall 
settle  or  disturb  the  Shawnees  in  their  settlement 
or  possessions.  And  the  Shawnees  do  relinquish  to 
the  United  States  all  title  or  pretense  of  title  they 
ever  had  to  the  lands  east,  west,  and  south,  of  the 
east,  west,  and  south  lines  before  described. 

"  ART.  7.     If  any  citizen  or  citizens  of  the  United 
States  shall  presume  to  settle  upon  the  lands  allotted 
to  the  Shawnees  by  this  treaty,  he  or  they  shall  be 
put  out  of  protection  of  the  United  States. 
(Signed.)  "  GEORGE  CLARK, 

"  RICHARD  BUTLER, 
•''SAMUEL  H.  PARSONS, 
*'  And  the  Shavvnee  Chiefs  and  Warriors." 

At  a  treaty  held  at  Forf,  Harmar  between  Arthur 
St.  Clair,  governor  of  the  territory  north-west  of  the 
Ohio  river,  on  behalf  of  the  United  States,  in  order 
to  remove  all  cause  of  controversy  regulating  trade 
and  settlino-  boundaries  with  the  Indian  nations,  in 

O 

the  northern  department,  of  the  one   part,  and  the 
sachems  and  warriors  of  the  Wyandoti,  Delawares, 


HISTORY    OF    THE 

Ottawas,  Chippewas,  Pottawatomies,  and  Sac  In 
dians  on  the  other  part,  on  the  9th  day  of  January, 
1789  ;  at  this  treaty  there  was  a  protest  made  by  the 
Wyandots,  against  the  grant  made  by  the  United 
Slates  at  the  treaty  of  1786  to  the  Shawnees,  to  live 
and  hunt  on  the  lands.  Now,  it  is  worthy  of  notice 
that  this  was  only  two  years  after  the  grant  was  made 
to  the  Shawnees.  In  this  arrangement  the  United 
States  agreed  to  protect  the  Shawnees  against  the  in 
terruption  from  any  person  or  people  whatever.  The 
protest  of  the  Wyandots,  alluded  to  above,  is  as  fol 
lows,  viz  : 

"Be  it  remembered  that  the  Wyandots  have  laid 
claim  to  the  lands  that  were  granted  to  the  Shawnees 
to  live  and  hunt  on,  at  the  treaty  held  at  the  Miami 
river  in  1786,  and  have  declared  that,  as  the  Shaw 
nees  have  been  so  restless,  and  caused  so  much 
trouble,  both  to  (hem  and  to  the  United  States,  and 
if  they  will  not  be  at  peace,  they  will  dispossess  them 
entirely.  They  further  lay  claim  to  all  the  country 
west  of  the  Miami  boundary,  from  the  village  to 
Lake  Erie,  and  declare  that  it  is  under  their  pro 
tection." 

This  protest  of  the  Wyandots,  with  many  other 
things  relating  to  their  last  treaty,  was  submitted  to 
the  President,  George  Washington,  for  his  considera 
tion,  by  the  secretary  of  war,  Henry  Knox.  It  ivill 
be  seen  by  the  treaty  of  1736,  that,  in  consequence 
of  the  liberty  granted  to  the  Shawnees  by  the  United 
States,  to  occupy  and  hunt  on  lands,  they  were  pre 
vailed  upon  to  relinquish  all  title  cr  pretense  of  title 


9HAWNKE    INDIANS.  96 

they  ever  had  to  lands  east,  west,  and  south  of  the 
east,  west,  and  south  of  the  tract  allowed  by  the 
treaty  of  1786,  for  them  "  to  live  and  hunt  on  ;"  this 
included  all  the  land  they  held  any  claim  to  at  all. 
Here  we  see  that  the  United  States  had  not  the 
authority  to  grant  the  Shawnees  such  privilege,  for 
the  simple  reason  that  this  land  did  not  belong  to  the 
government  but  to  other  Indian  tribes.  This  is  the 
very  first  treaty  made  with  the  Shawnees,  and  they 
were  imposed  upon  by  giving  them  grants  of  land 
on  which  to  live  and  which  belonged  to  the  Wyan- 
dots,  thus  deceiving  them  and  bringing  on  other 
tribes  much  trouble. 

In  regard  to  this  grant  to  the  Shawnees  in  1786, 
Arthur  St.  Glair,  governor  of  the  north-western  ter 
ritory,  informed  the  President  of  the  United  States 
in  May,  1788,  two  years  after  the  grant  was  made  to 
the  Shawnees,  that  the  claim  of  the  Wyandot  nation 
to  the  lands  reserved  for  the  Shawnees,  was  strongly 
insisted  upon  by  them,  and  to  be  made  an  article  of 
the  treaty;  to  that  I  could  not  consent,  only  to  satisfy 
them,  and  in  order  that  it  may  be  kept  in  remember- 
ance,  it  was  inserted  at  the  bottom  of  it  by  way  of 
memorandum.  It  seems  this  is  a  claim  that  has 
always  been  held  up;  and  the  reason  that  it  was  so 
much  insisted  upon  at  this  time  was,  (they  said)  that 
they  were  sure  that  if  the  Shawnees  and  Cherokecs 
were  incorporated  with  them,  they  would  continue  to 
give  them  trouble  ;  that  it  could  not  be  expected  to  be 
borne  much  longer,  that  they  would  be  driven  out  of 
the  countrv,  and  then  it  would  be  clai-med  and  held 


9iJ  HISTORY    OF    THE 

by  the  United  States  by  right  of  conquest ;  they  fur 
ther  added,  "  that  if  the  Shawnees  continued  their 
depredations,  they  would  themselves  drive  them  off." 
Nothing  yet  definite  had  been  done  by  the  govern 
ment  in  regard  to  the  impositions  practiced  upon  the 
Wyandots,  in  order  to  find  room  for  the  Shawnees, 
who,  it  now  seems,  bad  been  restless  for  many  years, 
and  who,  it  appears,  had  been  very  troublesome  to 
both  whites  and  Indians,  in  consequence,  no  doubt, 
of  their  being  harassed  and  driven  from  one  place 
to  another,  until  they  were  entirely  destitute  of  a 
home  ;  and  to  make  amends  for  this,  a  measure  is 
resorted  to,  to  secure  them  a  home  or  place  to  live 
upon  at  the  expense  of  another  Indian  nation  and  not 
the  United  States. 


•HAWNJCK    INDIANA.  97 


CHAPTER   XVI. 


IN  a  council  held  by  Anthony  Gamlin,  in  1795,  at 
the  Miami  Town,  on  the  25th  of  April,  Blue  Jacket, 
a  warrior  of  the  Shawnees,  invited  the  governor  to 
go  with  him  to  his  house.  Blue  Jacket  then  told 
me,  says  Gamlin,  "My  friend,  by  the  name,  and 
with  the  consent  of  the  Shawnees  and  Cherokees  I 
will  speak  to  you.  We  are  all  sensible  of  your 
speech,  and  are  pleased  with  it,  but,  after  consulta 
tion,  we  cannot  give  you  an  answer  until  after  hearing 
from  our  father  at  Detroit;  and  we  are  determined 
to  give  you  back  the  two  bundles  of  wampum,  and 
send  you  to  Detroit  to  hear  the  chief,  or  stay  here 
twenty  nights  to  hear  his  answer.  From  all  quarters 
we  receive  speeches  from  the  Americans,  and  no  two 
are  alike.  We  suppose  they  intend  to  deceive  us  ; 
then  take  back  your  bundles  of  wampum." 

Gamlin  told  them  that  he  could  not  go  to  Detroit. 
Blue  Jacket  got  up  and  told  him :  "  My  friend,  we 
are  well  pleased  with  what  you  say ;  our  intention  is 
not  to  force  you  to  go  to  Detroit,  it  is  only  a  proposal, 
thinking  it  for  the  best;  our  answer  is  the  same  as 
the  Miamis'."  In  the  evening,  Blue  Jacket  having 
taken  me  to  supper  with  him,  told  me,  in  a  private 


98  HISTORY    OF    TUB 

manner,  that  the  Shawnee  nation  was  in  great  doubt 
of  the  sincerity  of  the  Big-knives,  (the  whites)  having 
already  been  deceived  by  them ;  that  they  had  first 
destroyed  their  lands,  put  out  their  council-fires,  and 
sent  away  their  young  men  living  out  hunting,  with 
out  a  mouthful  of  meat,  and  also  had  taken  away  their 
women,  wherefore  many  of  them  would,  with  a  great 
deal  of  pain,  forget  these  affronts ;  moreover,  that 
some  other  nations  were  apprehending  that  offers  of 
peace  would,  perhaps,  be  made  that  would  tend  to 
take  away,  by  degrees,  their  land,  and  would  serve 
them  as  they  did  before.  A  certain  proof  that  they 
intended  to  encroach  on  our  lands,  is  their  new  settle 
ments  on  the  Ohio.  If  they  do  not  keep  this  side  of 
the  river  clear,  there  never  will  be  a  reconciliation 
with  the  Shawnees,  Iroquois,  Wyandots,  and,  per 
haps,  many  other  Indian  tribes. 

This  is  all  that  took  place  in  regard  to  the  Shaw 
nees  at  that  time,  in  that  council.  By  the  documents 
printed  by  Congress  it  appears  that,  in  1792,  a  party 
of  Shawnee  Indians,  who  were  of  the  hostile  tribes 
of  the  northward,  had  gone  down  to  New  Orleans, 
and  were  sent  from  thence  to  Pensacola,  where  they 
were  received  by  Governor  O'Neal,  who  gave  them 
presents  and  sent  them  into  the  Creek  nation,  with 
the  Spanish  king's  interpreter.  These  Indians  de 
clared  they  would  be  at  war  with  America  as  long  as 
any  of  them  should  live.  This  declaration  alone 
seemed  to  make  them  acceptable  to  the  Spaniards, 
and  they  are  now  (  1792)  in  what  is  called  Savannah's 


SHAWNSE    INDIANS.  ^9 

Town,  and  are  a  part  of  the  Shawnees  that  settled, 
with  the  Creeks  a  few  years  ago. 

The  above  account  appears  to  have  been  sworn  to 
by  James  Leonard,  before  Gen.  Wayne,  on  the  26th 
of  July,  1792. 

I  have  stated  before,  that  previous  to  the  year  1745 
one  band  of  the  Shawnees  had  gone  quite  down  to 
New  Spain.  This  band  mentioned  here,  is  probably 
the  band  which  settled  with  the  Creeks,  some  years 
before  1792;  and  that  band  mentioned  by  Leonard  is 
the  four  hundred  and  fifty  who  were  found  in  the 
woods  about  the  head-waters  of  the  Mobile  river, 
who  were  on  their  way  to  the  country  of  the  Creeks, 
and  in  1792  these  two  bands  seem  to  have  got 
together, 


Uil.      J        I 

HISTOKr    OF    THJS 


<D  K  t)xr     \ 

m 

3 


CHAPTER  XVII. 


SPEECH  of  Cornplanter  to  General  Washington. 
"Father,  the  voice  of  the  Seneca  nation  speaks  to 
you,  the  great  counselor,  in  whose  heart  the  wise 
men  of  all  the  thirteen  fires  have  placed  their  wis 
dom.  It  may  be  very  small  in  your  ears,  and  we, 
therefore,  entreat  you  to  hearken  with  attention,  for 
we  are  about  to  speak  of  things  which  are  to  us  very 
great.  When  your  army  entered  the  country  of  the 
Six  Nations,  we  called  you  the  town- destroy er ;  and 
to  this  day,  when  that  name  is  heard,  our  women 
look  behind  them  and  turn  pale,  and  our  children 
cling  close  to  the  necks  of  their  mothers.  Our  coun 
selors  and  warriors  are  men  and  cannot  be  afraid, 
but  their  hearts  are  grieved  with  the  fears  of  our 
women  and  children,  and  desire  it  may  be  buried  so 
deep  as  to  be  heard  no  more. 

"  When  you  gave  us  peace,  we  called  you  father, 
because  you  promised  to  secure  us  in  the  possession 
of  our  lands.  Do  this,  and  so  long  as  the  lands  shall 
remain,  that  beloved  name  will  live  in  the  heart  of 
every  Seneca. 

"  Father,  we  mean  to  open  our  hearts  before  you, 
and  we  earnestly  desire  that  you  will  let  us  clearly 


SHAWNEE    INDIANS.  101 

understand  what  you  resolve  to  do.  When  our 
chiefs  returned  from  the  treaty  at  Fort  Stanwix,  and 
laid  before  our  council  what  had  been  done,  our  na 
tion  was  surprised  to  hear  how  great  a  country  you 
had  compelled  them  to  give  up  to  you  without  your 
paying  to  us  anything  for  it.  Every  one  said  that 
your  hearts  were  yet  swelled  with  resentment  against 
us  for  what  had  happened  during  the  war,  but  that 
one  day  you  would  reconsider  it  with  more  kindness. 
We  asked  each  other— What  have  we  done  to  de 
serve  such  severe  chastisement  ? 

"Father,  when  you  kindled  your  thirteen  fires 
separately,  the  wise  men  that  assembled  there  told 
us  that  you  were  all  brothers — the  children  of  one 
great  father,  who  regarded,  also,  the  red  people  as 
his  children.  They  called  us  brothers,  and  invited 
us  to  his  protection;  they  told  us  that  he  resided 
beyond  the  great  water,  where  the  sun  first  rises  ; 
that  he  was  a  king,  whose  power  no  people  could 
resist,  and  that  his  goodness  was  as  bright  as  the  sun. 
What  they  said  went  to  our  hearts,  and  we  accepted 
the  invitation  and  promised  to  obey  him.  What  the 
Seneca  nation  promise  they  faithfully  perform,  and 
when  you  refused  obedience  to  that  king,  he  com 
manded  us  to  assist  his  beloved  men  in  making  you 
sober.  In  obeying  him  we  did  no  more  than  your 
selves  had  led  us  to  promise.  The  men  who  claimed 
this  promise  told  us  that  you  were  children  and  had 
no  guns  ;•  that  when  they  had  shaken  you,  you  would 
submit.  We  hearkened  to  them  and  were  deceived, 
until  your  army  approached  our  towns.  We  were 


102  HISTORY    OF    THE 

deceived  ;  but  your  people,  in  teaching  us  to  confide 
in  that  king,  had  helped  to  deceive  us,  and  we  now 
appeal  to  your  heart — Is  the  blame  all  ours  ? 

"  Father,  when  we  saw  that  we  were  deceived,  and 
heard  the  invitation  which  you  gave  us  to  draw  near 
the  fire  which  you  had  kindled,  and  talk  with  you 
concerning  peace,  \ve  made  haste  toward  it.  You 
then  told  us  that  we  were  in  your  hand,  and  that  by 
closing  it  you  could  crush  us  to  nothing;  and  you 
demanded  from  us  a  great  country  as  the  price  of 
that  peace  which  you  'had  offered  us,  as  if  our  want 
of  strength  had  destroyed  our  rijjht ;  our  chiefs  had 

O  «/  O 

felt  your  power  and  were  unable  to  contend  against 
you,  and  they  therefore  gave  up  that  country.  What 
they  agreed  to  has  bound  our  nation,  but  your  anger 
against  us  must,  by  this  ti.ne,  be  cooled ;  and, 
although  our  strength  has  not  increased,  nor  your 
power  become  less,  we  ask  you  to  consider  calmly — 
Were  the  terms  dictated  to  us  by  your  commissioners 
reasonable  and  just? 

"Father,  your  commissioners,  when  they  drew  the 
line  which  separated  the  land  then  given  up  to  you, 
from  that  which  you  agreed  should  remain  to  be 
ours,  diJ  most  solemnly  promise  that  we  should  be 
secured  in  the  peaceable  possession  of  the  lands 
which  we  inhabited  cast  atvl  north  of  that  line. 
Does  this  promise  bind  you  ?  Hear,  now,  we  be 
seech  von,  what  has  since  happened  concerning  that 

*  r  i  o 

land.  On  the  day  in  which  we  finished  the  treaty  at 
Fort  Stanwix,  commissioners  from  Pennsylvania  told 
our  chiefs  that  they  had  come  there  to  purchase  from 


SIIAWNKE    INDIANS.  103 

us  all  the  lands  belonging  to  us  within  the  lines  of 
their  state,  and  they  told  us  that  their  line  would 
strike  the  river  Susquehanna  below  Tioga  branch. 
They  then  left  us  to  consider  of  the  bargain  till  the 
next  day.  On  the  next  day  we  let  them  know  that 
we  were  unwilling  to  sell  all  the  lands  within  their 
state,  and  proposed  to  let  them  have  a  part  of  it, 
which  we  pointed  out  to  them  on  their  map.  They 
told  us  that  they  must  have  the  whole  ;  that  it  was 
already  ceded  to  them  by  the  great  king  at  the  time 
of  making  peace  with  you,  and  was  their  own;  but 
they  said  that  they  would  not  take  advantage  of  that, 
and  were  willing  to  pay  us  for  it,  after  the  manner  of 
their  ancestors.  Our  chiefs  were  unable  to  contend 
at  that  time,  and,  therefore,  they  sold  the  lands  up 
to  the  line  which  was  then  shown  to  them  as  the  line 
of  that  state.  What  the  commissioners  had  said 
about  the  land  having  been  ceded  to  them  at  the 
peace,  our  chiefs  considered  as  intended  only  to  les 
sen  the  price,  and  they  passed  it  by  with  very  little 
notice;  but  since  that  time  we  have  heard  so  much 
from  others  about  the  right  to  our  lands,  which  the 
king  gave  when  you  made  peace  with  him,  that  it  is 
our  earnest  desire  that  you  will  tell  us  what  it  means. 
"  Father,  our  nation  empowered  John  Livingston 
to  let  a  part  of  our  lands  on  rent,  to  be  paid  to  us. 
He  told  us  tli at  he  was  sent  by  Congress  to  do  this 
for  us,  and  we  fear  he  has  deceived  us  in  the  writing 
he  obtained  from  us  ;  for,  since  the  time  of  our  giving 
that  power,  a  man  of  the  name  of  Phelps  has  come 
among  us  and  claimed  our  whole  country  northward 


104  HISTORY    OF    THE 

of  the  line  of  Pennsylvania  under  purchase  from 
that  Livingston,  to  whom,  he  said,  he  had  paid 
twenty  thousand  dollars  for  it.  He  said,  also,  that 
he  had  bought,  likewise,  from  the  council  of  the 
Thirteen  Fires,  and  paid  them  twenty  thousand  dol 
lars  more  for  the  same.  And  he  said,  also,  that  it 
did  not  belong  to  us,  for  the  great  king  had  ceded 
the  whole  of  it  when  you  made  peace  with  him. 
Thus  he  claimed  the  whole  country  north  of  Penn 
sylvania,  and  west  of  the  lands  belonging  to  the 
Cayugas.  He  demanded  it;  he  insisted  on  his  de 
mand,  and  declared  that  he  would  have  itr  all.  It 
was  impossible  for  us  to  grant  him  this,  and  we  im 
mediately  refused  it.  After  some  days  he  proposed 
to  run  a  line  at  a  small  distance  eastward  from  our 
western  boundary,  which  we  also  refused  to  agree  to. 
He  then  threatened  us  with  immediate  war  if  we  did 
not  comply. 

"  Upon  this  threat  our  chiefs  held  a  council,  and 
they  agreed  that  no  event  of  war  could  be  worse 
than  to  be  driven,  with  their  wives  and  children, 
from  the  only  country  which  we  had  any  right  to  ; 
and,  therefore,  weak  as  our  nation  was,  they  deter 
mined  to  take  the  chance  of  war,  rather  than  to  sub 
mit  to  such  unjust  demands,  which  seemed  to  have 
no  bounds.  Street,  the  great  trader  to  Niagara,  was 
then  with  us,  having  come  at  the  request  of  Phelps, 
and  as  he  always  professed  to  be  our  great  friend,  we 
consulted  him  upon  this  subject.  He,  also,  told  us 
that  our  lands  had  been  ceded  by  the  king,  and  that 
we  77? ust  give  them  up. 


EHAWNEE    INDIANS. 


105 


"Astonished  at  what  we  heard  from  every  quarter, 
with  hearts  aching  with  compassion  for  our  women 
and  children,  we  were  thus  compelled  to  give  up  all 
our  country  north  of  the  line  of  Pennsylvania,  and 
east  of  the  Genesee  river  up  to  the  fork,  and  east  of 
a  south  line  drawn  from  that  fork  to  the  Pennsylvania 
line.  For  this  land  Phelps  agreed  to  pay  us  ten 
thousand  dollars  in  hand,  and  one  thousand  dollars  a 
year  forever.  He  paid  us  two  thousand  five  hundred 
dollars  in  hand — part  of  the  ten  thousand — and  he 
sent  for  us  to  come  last  spring  to  receive  our  money ; 
but  instead  of  paying  us  the  remainder  of  the  ten 
thousand  dollars  (and  the  one  thousand  dollars)  due 
for  the  first  year,  he  offered  us  no  more  than  five 
hundred  dollars,  and  insisted  that  he  agreed  with  us 
for  that  sum,  to  be  paid  yearly.  We  debated  with 
him  for  six  days,  during  all  which  time  he  persisted 
in  refusing  to  pay  us  our  just  demand,  and  he  insisted 
that  we  should  receive  the  five  hundred  dollars  ;  and 
Street,  from  Niagara,  insisted  on  our  receiving  the 
money,  as  it  was  offered  to  us.  The  last  reason  he 
assigned  for  continuing  to  refuse  paying  us  was,  that 
the  king  had  ceded  the  lands  to  the  Thirteen  Tribes,  and 
that  he  had  bought  them  from  you  and  paid  you  for 
them.  We  could  bear  this  confusion  no  longer,  and 
determined  to  press  through  every  difficulty  and  lift  up 
our  voice  that  you  might  hear  us,  and  to  claim  that 
security  in  the  possession  of  our  land,  which  your 
commissioners  so  solemnly  promised  us,  and  we  now 
entreat  you  to  inquire  into  our  complaints  and  redress 
our  wrongs. 


106  HISTORY    OF    THE 

"  Father,  our  writings  were  lodged  in  the  hands 
of  Street,  of  Niagara,  as  we  supposed  him  to  be  our 
friend  ;  but  when  we  saw  Phelps  consulting  with 
Street  on  every  occasion,  we  doubted  his  honesty 
toward  us,  and  we  have  since  heard  that  he  was  to 
receive,  for  his  endeavors  to  deceive  us,  a  piece  of 
land,  ten  miles  in  width,  west  of  the  Genesee  river, 
and  near  forty  miles  in  length,  extending  to  Lake 
Ontario  ;  and  the  lines  of  this  tract  have  been  run 
accordingly,  although  no  part  of  it  is  within  the 
bounds  which  limit  his  purchase.  No  doubt,  he 
meant  to  deceive  us. 

"  Father,  you  have  said  that  we  are  in  your  hand, 
and  that  by  closing  it  you  could  crush  us  to  nothing. 
Are  you  determined  to  crush  us?  If  you  are,  tell  us 
so,  that  those  of  our  nation  who  have  become  your 
children,  and  have  determined  to  die  so,  may  know 
what  to  do.  In  this  case,  one  chief  has  said  he  would 
ask  you  to  put  him  out  of  pain.  Another,  who  will 
not  think  of  dying  by  the  hands  of  his  father  or  of  his 
brother,  has  said  he  will  retire  to  the  Chateaugay, 
eat  of  the  fatal  root,  and  sleep  with  his  fathers  in 
peace.  Before  you  determine  on  a  measure  so  unjust 
look  up  to  God,  who  made  us  as  well  as  you.  We 
hope  he  will  not  permit  you  to  destroy  the  whole  of 
our  nation. 

"Father,  hear  our  case;  many  nations  inhabited 
this  country,  but  they  had  no  wisdom,  and,  therefore, 
they  warred  together.  The  Six  Nations  were  power 
ful  and  they  compelled  them  to  peace  ;  the  lands,  for 
a  great  extent,  were  given  up  to  them,  but  the  nations 


BIIAWXEE    INDIANS.  107 

which  were  not  destroyed,  all  continued  on  these 
lands,  and  claimed  the  protection  of  the  Six  Nations, 
as  the  brothers  of  their  fathers.  They  were  men, 
and  when  at  peace,  had  a  right  to  live  upon  the 
earth.  The  French  came  among  us  and  built 
Niagara  ;  they  became  our  fathers  and  took  care  of 
us.  Sir  William  Johnston  came  and  took  that  fort 
from  the  French  ;  he  became  our  father,  and  pro 
mised  to  take  care  of  us,  and  did  so,  until  you  were 
too  strong  for  his  king.  To  him  we  gave  four  miles 
around  Niagara,  as  a  place  of  trade.  We  have 
already  said  how  we  came  to  join  against  you  ;  we 
saw  that  we  were  wrong  ;  we  wished  for  peace  ;  you 
demanded  a  great  country  to  be  given  up  to  you  ;  it 
was  surrendered  to  you  as  the  price  of  peace,  and  we 
ought  to  have  peace  and  possession  of  the  little  land 
which  you  then  left  us. 

"  Father,  when  that  great  country  was  given  up, 
there  were  but  few  chiefs  present,  and  they  were  com 
pelled  to  give  it  up ;  and  it  is  not  the  Six  Nations 
only  that  reproach  those  chiefs  with  having  given 
up  that  country.  The  Chippewas  and  all  the  nations 
who  lived  on  those  lands  westward,  call  to  us  and 
ask  us — Brothers  of  our  fathers,  where  is  the  place 
you  have  reserved  for  HS  to  lie  down  upon  ? 

"  Father,  you  have  compelled  us  to  do  that  which 
has  made  us  ashamed.  WTe  have  nothing  to  answer 
to  the  children  of  the  brothers  of  our  fathers.  When 
they  called  upon  us,  last  spring,  to  go  to  war  to  secure 
them  a  bed  to  lie  upon,  the  Senecas  entreated  them 
to  be  quiet  tiil  we  had  spoken  to  you.  But  on  our 


108  HISTORY    OF    THE 

• 

way  down  we  heard  that  your  army  had  gone  toward 
the  country  which  those  nations  inhabit,  and  if  they 
meet  together,  the  best  blood  on  both  sides  will  stain 
the  ground. 

"  Father,  we  will  not  conceal  from  you,  that  the 
great  God,  and  not  man,  has  preserved  the  Corn- 
planter  from  the  hands  of  his  own  nation ;  for  they 
ask  continually,  where  is  the  land  which  our  children 
and  their  children  after  them,  are  to  lie  down  upon  ? 
You  told  us,  say  they,  that  the  line  running  from 
Pennsylvania  to  Lake  Ontario  would  mark  it  forever 
on  the  east ;  and  the  line  running  from  Beaver  Creek 
to  Pennsylvania  would  mark  it  on  the  west,  and  we 
see  that  it  is  not  so;  for  first  one,  and  then  another, 
come,  and  take  it  away,  by  order  of  that  people 
which  you  tell  us,  promised  to  secure  it  to  us.  He  is 
silent,  for  he  has  nothing  to  answer.  When  the  sun 
goes  down,  he  opens  his  heart  before  God ;  and 
earlier  than  that  sun  appears  again  upon  the  hills, 
he  gives  thanks  for  his  protection  during  the  night — 
for  he  feels  that,  among  men  become  desperate  by 
their  danger,  it  is  God  only  that  can  preserve  him. 
He  loves  peace,  and  all  he  had  in  store  he  has  given 
to  those  who  have  been  robbed  by  your  people,  lest 
they  should  plunder  the  innocent  to  repay  themselves. 
The  whole  season  which  others  have  employed  in 
providing  for  their  families,  he  has  spent  in  endeavors 
to  preserve  peace,  and  at  this  moment,  his  wife  arid 
children  are  lying  on  the  ground  and  in  want  of  food  ; 
his  heart  is  in  pain  for  them,  but  he  perceives  that 


SHAWNEE    INDIANS.  109 

the  great  God  will  try  his  friendship  in  doing  what  is 
right. 

"  Father,  the  game  which  the  great  Spirit  sent  into 
our  country  for  us  to  eat,  is  going  from  among  us. 
We  thought  he  intended  he  should  till  the  ground 
with  the  plow  as  the  white  people  do,  and  we  talked 
to  one  another  about  it.  But  before  we  speak  to  you 
concerning  this,  we  must  know  from  you  whether 
you  mean  to  leave  us  and  our  children  any  land  to  till. 
Speak  plainly  to  us  concerning  this  great  business. 
All  the  lands  we  have  been  speaking  of  belonged  to 
the  Six  Nations — no  part  of  it  ever  belonged  to  the 
king  of  England,  and  he  would  not  give  it  to  you. 
The  lands  we  live  on  our  fathers  received  from  God, 
and  they  transmitted  it  to  us  for  our  children,  and 
we  cannot  part  with  it. 

"  Father,  we  told  you  that  we  would  open  our 
hearts  to  you.  Hear  us  once  more.  At  Fort  Stan- 
wix  we  agreed  to  deliver  up  those  of  our  people  who 
should  do  you  any  wrong,  that  you  might  try  them 
and  punish  them  according  to  your  law.  We  de 
livered  up  two  men  accordingly,  but  instead  of  trying 
them  according  to  your  law,  the  lowest  of  your 
people  took  them  from  your  magistrate  and  put  them 
immediately  to  death.  It  is  just  to  punish  murder 
with  death ;  but  the  Senecas  will  not  deliver  up  their 
people  to  men  who  disregard  the  treaties  of  their 
own  nation. 

''Father,  innocent  men  of  our  nation  are  killed 
one  after  another,  and  of  our  best  families,  but  none 


1  10  HISTORY    OF    THE 

of  your  people  who  committed  the  murder,  have  been 
punished.  We  recollect  that  you  did  not  promise  to 
punish  those  who  killed  our  people,  and  we  now  ask, 
Was  it  intended  that  your  people  should  kill  the  Sen- 
ecas,  and  not  only  remain  unpunished  by  you,  but 
be  protected  by  you  against  the  revenge  of  the  next 
of  kin  ? 

"  Father,  these  are  to  us  very  great  things.  We 
know  that  you  are  very  strong,  and  we  have  heard 
that  you  are  wise,  and  we  wait  to  hear  your  answer 
to  what  we  have  said,  that  we  may  know  that  you 
are  just." 


8HAWNEE    INDIANS.  1H 


CHAPTER   XVIII. 


IN  December,  1792,  in  a  council  held  with  General 
Wayne  at  Chinuck,  Slungetha  (Cornplanter)  and  Lit 
tle  Arrow,  chiefs  of  the  Alleghana  tribes,  among 
other  things  said  on  behalf  of  the  Shawnees,  who 
had  been  in  a  confederated  council  with  them,  that 
the  Shawnees  said,  that  if  they  make  peace  it  will  be 
on  these  terms  :  The  Americans  to  allow  all  the  lands 
they  had  in  Sir  William  Johnston's  time,  or,  at  least, 
the  Ohio  river  shall  be  the  line,  and  that  they  be 
paid  for  lands  improved  on  the  south  side  of  that  river. 
These,  they  say,  are  the  terms,  and  the  only  ones  on 
which  they  will  make  peace. 

In  a  report  of  a  commissioner  appointed  by  Gov. 
Blount  in  1793,  he  says,  he  asked  an  Indian  of  the 
Cherokee  nation  if  he  thought  certain  men  of  their 
nation  would  come  into  council.  He  answered,  that, 
perhaps,  they  might,  as  most  of  the  bad  young  fel 
lows  had  gone  to  the  Shawnees — fifty  had  started  a 
few  days  ago,  and  that  more  were  about  to  start. 

The  commissioner  told  him  that  the  Shawnees 
were  about  making  a  treaty  with  the  United  Slates, 
and  would  not  permit  them  to  stay  among  them. 
The  chief  replied  it  may  be  so,  but  that  at  this  time 


112  HISTORY    OF    THJ£ 

there  were  eight  Shawnee  chiefs  in  the  Creek  nation 
endeavoring  to  stimulate  them  to  a  war  against  the 
United  States,  and  that  these  Shawnees  had  informed 
him,  as  they  passed  along  to  the  Creeks,  that  their 
people  had  been  expecting  the  approach  of  the  federal 
army,  and  had  been  assembled  in  large  bodies  to 
receive  them. 

The  commissioner  states  that  one  John  Walker  in 
formed  him  that  a  number  of  young  fellows  had 
gone  to  the  Shawnees,  and  that  another  party  would 
soon  set  out,  among  which  he  had  thought  of  going; 
that  a  number  of  Creeks,  consisting  of  small  parties, 
from  two  to  eight,  had  come  as  far  as  Hiwassel. 

In  the  year  1794,  the  British  officer  sent  a  mes 
sage  by  three  chiefs,  a  Delaware,  a  Shawnee,  and  a 
Miami.  These,  say  two  Pottawatomie  chiefs  (who 
were  examined  by  an  American  officer  by  whom  they 
were  taken  prisoners),  were  sent  by  the  British  offi 
cers  to  invite  the  Pottawatomies  to  go  to  war  with 
the  United  States.  That  the  Chippewas,  Wyandota, 
Shawnees,  Ottawas,  Delawares,  and  Miamis  had  two 
thousand  warriors  collected. 

On  examining  two  Shawnee  warriors,  taken  at  the 
same  time,  they  state  that  they  left  the  ground 
Glaise  (Auglaise)  five  months  ago,  or  about  the  time 
the  Indians  sent  a  flag,  with  a  proposition  for  peace; 
that  they  belonged  to  a  party  of  twenty,  who  had  been 
hunting  all  the  spring  on  the  Wabash,  nearly  opposite 
the  mouth  of  the  Kentucky  river,  and  were  on  their 
return  when  taken ;  that  about  half  the  party  had 
gone  on  before  them,  and  the  remainder  were  coming 


SHAWNEE;  INDIANS.  US 

on  slowly  and  hunting;  that  they  had  stolen  about 
fifty  horses  from  the  Kentuckians  on  Salt  river,  during 
the  spring  and  summer  ;  that  they  only  killed  one 
man,  and  took  no  prisoners ;  that  the  man  was  killed 
by  a  white  interpreter,  belonging  to  the  company, 
whose  name  is  Kiddle ;  that  on  their  way  they  met 
with  a  party  consisting  of  four  Indians,  i.  e.,  three 
Delawares  and  one  Pottawatomie,  who  were  on  their 
way  to  the  Big  Blue  Lick  to  steal  horses  ;  that  this 
party  informed  them  that  all  the  Indians  on  White 
river  were  sent  for  to  come  immediately  to  the  Grand 
Glaize,  where  the  warriors  of  several  nations  were 
assembled ;  that  the  chiefs  were  yet  in  council  and 
would  not  let  their  warriors  go  out ;  that  they  would 
not  depend  on  the  British  for  effectual  support ;  that 
they  were  always  setting  the  Indians  on  like  dogs, 
after  promising  them  to  go  to  war  and  kill  the  Ameri 
cans,  but,  did  not  help  them ;  they  were  determined 
to  make  peace — that  they  would  not  be  amused  by 
promises  any  longer ;  that  the  Shawnees  have  three 
hundred  and  eighty  warriors  at,  and  in  the  vicinity 
of  the  Grand  Glaize,  and  generally  can,  and  gener 
ally  do,  bring  into  action  about  three  hundred  war 
riors.  Their  great  men  are  Blackwolf  and  Ke-hia- 
pe-la-thy,  or  Toma-Hawk.  Their  principal  warriors 
are  Blue  Jacket  and  Captain  Johnny.  That  the  Dela 
wares  have  in  and  about  Grand  Glaize  four  hundred 
and  eighty  warriors  ;  that  they  had  actually  four 
hundred  in  the  action  against  Gen.  St.  Clair  ;  that 
the  Miamis  are  about  one  hundred  warriors,  who 
live  near  Grand  Glaize  —  several  of  them  having 


114  HISTORY    OF    THE 

p 

removed  to  post  St.  Vincent  (Viucense)  and  the  Mis 
sissippi.  The  Wyandots  never  sent  into  action  more 
than  one  hundred  and  fifty  warriors;  they  lived  along 
the  lake  toward  Sandusky  ;  they  do  not  know  the 
number  of  Pottawatomies,  nor  the  number  of  the 
other  nations  who  would  actually  join  in  the  war  and 
determine  to  continue  it ;  that  the  Chippewas  would 
be  the  most  numerous,  and  were  mostly  on  their  way 
to  join  the  council ;  but  war  or  peace  depended  on 
the  British — if  they  would  help  them,  it  would  proba 
bly  be  war,  but  if  they  would  not,  it  would  be  peace; 
that  the  Indians  would  no  longer  be  set  on  like  dogs 
by.  themselves,  unless  the  British  would  help  them 
to  fight;  that  the  British  were  at  the  foot  of  the 
rapids,  and  if  the  Indians  would  generally  turn  out 
and  join  them,  they  would  advance  and  fight  the 
American  army  ;  that  Blue  Jacket  had  been  sent  by 
the  British  to  the  Chippewas  and  Northern  Indians  a 
considerable  time  since,  to  invite  them  and  bring 
them  to  Roche-de-bout,  there  to  join  the  British  and 
the  hostile  Indians,  in  order  to  go  to  war  against 
the  Americans. 

On  the  13th  of  August,  1794,  Gen.  Wayne  sent 
the  following  letter  to  the  Delawares,  Shawnees,  and 
Wyandots  :  "I,  Anthony  Wayne,  major-general  and 
commander-in-chief  of  the  Federal  army,  on  the 
Grand  Glaize,  and  commissioner-plenipotentiary  of 
the  United  States  of  America,  for  settling  the  terms 
upon  which  a  permanent  and  lasting  peace  shall  be 
made  with  each  and  every  one  of  the  hostile  tribes 
or  nations  of  Indians  north-west  of  the  Ohio  river. 


SHAWNEE    INDIANS.  116 

and  of  the  said  United  States,  actuated  by  the 
purest  motives  of  humanity,  and  urged  by  pity  for 
the  errors  into  which  bad  and  designing  men  have 
led  you,  from  the  head  of  my  army,  now  in  posses 
sion  of  your  abandoned  village  and  settlements,  do 
hereby  extend  the  friendly  hand  of  peace  toward  you, 
and  invite  every  one  of  the  hostile  tribes  of  Indians 
to  appoint  deputies  to  meet  me  and  my  army  without 
delay,  between  this  place  and  Roche-de-bout,  in 
order  to  settle  the  preliminaries  of  a  lasting  peace, 
which  may  eventually  and  soon  restore  to  you  the 
Delawares,  Miamis,  Shawnees,  and  all  other  tribes 
and  nations  settled  at  this  place,  and  on  the  margins 
of  the  Miami  and  Auglaize  rivers,  your  late  posses 
sions,  and  to  preserve  you  and  your  distressed  women 
and  children  from  danger  and  famine,  during  the  en 
suing  fall  and  winter. 

The  arm  of  the  United  States  is  strong  and  power 
ful,  but  they  love  mercy  and  kindness  more  than 
war  and  desolation.  And  to  remove  any  doubt,  or 
apprehensions  of  danger  to  the  persons  of  the  dele 
gates  you  may  appoint  to  meet  this  army,  I  hereby 
pledge  my  sacred  honor  for  their  safe  return ;  and 
send  Christopher  Miller,  an  adopted  Shawnee  warrior, 
whom  I  took  prisoner  two  days  ago,  with  a  flag,  who 
will  advance  in  front  with  a  flag  to  meet  me. 

"  Mr.  Miller  was  taken  prisoner  by  a  party  of  my 
warriors,  six  moons  since,  and  can  testify  to  you  the 
kindness  which  I  have  shown  to  your  people,  my 
prisoners,  that  is,  five  men  and  two  women,  who  are 
now  all  safe  at  Greenville.  But  if  this  invitation  be 


]  16  HISTORY    OF    THE 

disregarded,  and  ray  flag  and  Mr.  Miller  be  detained 
or  injured,  I  will  immediately  order  all  those  prison 
ers  to  be  put  to  death  without  distinction,  and  some 
of  them  are  known  to  belong  to  the  best  families  of 
your  nations. 

"  Brothers,  be  no  longer  deceived  or  led  astray  by 
the  false  promises  of  the  bad  men  of  the  Rapids. 
They  have  neither  the  inclination  nor  the  power  to 
protect  you.  ISTo  longer  shut  your  eyes  to  your  true 
interest  and  happiness,  nor  your  ears  to  this  last  offer 
of  peace.  Bat  in  pity  to  your  innocent  women  and 
children,  come  and  prevent  the  further  effusion  of 
blood — let  them  experience  the  kindness  and  friend 
ship  of  the  United  States  of  America,  and  the  indi 
vidual  blessings  of  peace  and  tranquillity. 

"ANTHONY  WAYNE." 

Notwithstanding  what  passed  from  the  American 
officer — in  good  faith,  no  doubt — and  the  manner  in 
which  he  would  have  carried  out  his  offers  to  these 
poor  deluded  people,  had  they  listened  to  him  and 
agreed  to  the  Coffers  made  them,  they  rejected  them, 
and  sent  back  his  messenger  and  flag  with  an  answer 
merely  to  delay  time  for  a  reinforcement  to  arrive — 
which  did  actually  arrive  two  days  before  the  action 
took  place.  They  chose  to  risk  another  battle  with 
the  Americans  rather  than  to  accept  these  friendly 
terms  which  were  offered  them.  In  that  engagement 
they  got  badly  beat,  and  had  to  sue  for  peace  ;  and 
after  losing  a  large  number  of  their  men,  as  well  as 
much  of  what  property  they  had,  they  were  com- 


8 11 A  \  V  :,'  £  1C    I N  D I A  -N  3 .  117 

pelled  to  take  up  with  such  terms  as  their  conqueror 
chose  to  prescribe  for  them  ;  LO  doubt  but  they 
would  have  made  a  much  better  treaty  before  they 
were  whipped  into  it  than  afterward. 

By  information  received  in  the  American  camp 
from  a  prisoner,  it  appeared  that  the  Shawnees  had 
three  hundred  warriors  in  the  engagement  with  Gen. 
Wayne's  army,  but  the  prisoner  could  give  no  ac 
count  of  the  number  killed. 

Sometime  in  this  or  the  preceding  year  the  Baron 
De  Carondelet,  a  Spanish  nobleman,  made  a  present 
to  the  Shawnees  and  Delawares  (who  settled  on  it 
by  permission  of  the  Spanish  government,)  of  a  tract 
of  land,  containing  twenty-five  miles  square,  (the 
records  of  which  are  in  St.  Louis).  This  land  is 
situated  between  the  river  St.  Comb  and  Cape  Gir- 
ardcau,  and  bounded  on  the  east  by  the  Mississippi 
river,  and  on  the  west  by  Whitewater  river.  The 
Delawares  left  in  1815,  and  then  the  entire  right  fell 
to  the  Shawnees. 

It  appears  that  about  the  time  mentioned  above 
the  Shawnees  settled  on  this  tract.  In  the  many  con 
flicts  between  the  United  States  and  the  Indians  dur 
ing  the  last  war,  if  these  Shawnees  lived  in  that 
country,  which  they  no  doubt  did,  that  they,  as  far 
as  appears,  took  no  part  against  the  Americans,  but 
remained  in  quiet  possession  of  the  same  undisturbed, 
while  that  country  remained  under  Spanish  authority  ; 
but  when  the  United  States  purchased  the  country, 
the  Shawnees  soon  had  to  leave  and  seek  a  home 
elsewhere,  which  will  appear  in  the  proper  place. 


118 


HISTORY    OF    TUB 


CHAPTER  XIX. 


ABOUT  the  year  1794,  the  Society  of  Friends  be 
came  concerned  for  the  welfare  of  the  Indians  in  the 
western  country,  as  well  as  for  that  of  the  frontier 
settlers,  who  were  liable  to  much  suffering  on  account 
of  the  depredations  of  the  Indians  on  the  innocent 
and  defenseless  inhabitants,  (as  the  records  of  the 
Yearly  Meeting  say).  A  fresh  war  had  broken  out 
between  the  Indians  and  the  United  States,  devastating 
the  frontier  settlements,  and  staining  the  land  with 
blood.  Deeply  affected  with  the  horrors  attendant 
on  this  contest,  the  Yearly  Meeting  nominated  a 
large  committee  in  order  to  endeavor  to  terminate 
these  hostilities.  In  the  same  year  they  sent  a 
memorial  to  the  President  and  Congress,  recom 
mending  the  adoption  of  such  just  and  pacific  mea 
sures  toward  the  nation  as  might  arrest  the  further 
shedding  of  blood  and  establish  peace  on  a  firm  basis. 
A  treaty  was  soon  afterward  held  at  Sandusky,  but 
nothing  was  effected  there. 

In  the  year  1795,  on  the  3d  day  of  August,  Gen. 
Wayne  held  a  treaty  at  Greenville  with  the  Wyan- 
dots,  Delawares,  Shawnees,  Ottavvas,  Chippewas, 
Pottawatomies,  Eel  River,  Weas,  Kickapoos,  and 


8HAWNEE    INDIANS.  119 

Kaskaskias.  At  the  opening  of  the  treaty,  General 
Wayne  read  the  address  of  the  Friends'  Yearly  Meet 
ing,  of  Philadelphia,  to  the  Indians  and  delivered 
them  some  presents  sent  them.  This  letter  was 
couched  in  language  entirely  calculated  to  allay  those 
feelings  of  bitterness  which  had  been  implanted 
deeply  in  their  minds  on  account  of  accumulated 
wrongs,  one  after  another. 

Of  this  letter,  General  Wayne  remarked  to  the 
chiefs  in  council :  "  Younger  Brothers — I  have  re 
ceived  a  letter  from  your  friends,  the  people  called 
Quakers,  with  a  message  to  all  the  nations  here  assem 
bled.  The  Quakers  are  a  people  whom  I  much  love 
and  esteem  for  their  goodness  of  heart  and  sincere 
love  of  peace  with  all  nations.  Listen  then  to  their 
voices,  and  let  them  sink  deep  into  your  hearts  (here 
the  general  read  the  address  and  the  invoice  of  their 
presents);  their  present,  you  see  (continued  he)  is 
small,  but  being  designed  with  the  benevolent  view 
of  promoting  the  happiness  and  peace  of  mankind,  it 
becomes  of  important  value.  They  wish  it  to  be  con 
sidered  merely  as  a  token  of  regard  for  you,  and  a 
testimony  of  their  brotherly  affection  and  kind  remem 
brance  of  you." 

The  treaty  was  concluded,  and  is  as  follows : 
"A  treaty  of  peace  between  the  United  States  of 
America  and  the  tribes  of  Indians  called  Wyandots, 
Delawares,  Shawnees,  Ottawas,  Chippewas,  Potta- 
watomies,  Miamis,  Eel  rivers,  Weas,  Kickapoos,  Plan- 
keshaws,  and  Kaskaskias,  to  put  an  end  to  a  destruc 
tive  war,  to  settle  all  controversies,  and  to  restore 


120  HISTOUy    OF    THii 

harmony  and  friendly  intercourse  between  the  said 
United  States  and  Indian  tribes,  Anthony  Wayne, 
major-general,  commanding  the  army  of  the  United 
States,  and  sole  commissioner  for  the  good  purposes 
above-mentioned,  and  the  said  tribes  of  Indians,  by 
their  sachems,  chiefs,  and  warriors  met  together  at 
Greenville,  the  head-quarters  of  said  army,  have 
agreed  on  the  following  articles,  which,  when  ratified 
by  the  President,  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the 
Senate  of  the  United  States,  shall  be  binding  on  them 
and  the  said  Indian  tribes. 

"ARTICLE  1.  Henceforth  all  hostilities  shall  cease; 
peace  is  hereby  established,  and  shall  be  perpetual, 
and  a  friendly  intercourse  shall  take  place  between 
the  said  United  States  and  Indian  tribes. 

"ART.  2.  All  prisoners  shall,  on  both  sides,  be 
restored.  The  Indian  prisoners  to  the  United  States 
shall  be  immediately  set  at  liberty.  The  people  of 
the  United  States,  still  remaining  prisoners  among 
the  Indians,  shall  be  delivered  up  in  ninety  days  from 
the  date  hereof,  to  the  general  or  commanding  officer 
at  Greenville,  Fort  Wayne,  or  Fort  Defiance;  and 
ten  chiefs  of  the  said  tribes  shall  remain  at  Green 
ville  as  hostages,  until  the  delivery  of  the  prisoners 
shall  be  effected. 

"ART.  3.  The  general  boundary  line,  between  the 
lands  of  the  United  States  and  the  lands  of  the  said 
Indian  tribes,  shall  begin  at  the  mouth  of  the  Cuya- 
hoga  river,  and  run  thence  up  the  same  to  the  port 
age  between  that  and  the  Tuscarawa's  branch  of  the 


SUAWNEE    INDIANS.  121 

Muskingum;  and  thence  down  that  branch  to  the 
crossing-place  above  Fort  Lawrence  ;  thence  westerly 
to  a  fork  of  that  branch  of  the  Great  Miami  river 
running  into  the  Ohio,  at  or  near  which  fork  stood 
Laramie's  store,  and  where  commences  the  portage 
between  the  Miami  of  the  Ohio  and  St.  Mary's  river, 
which  is  a  branch  of  the  Miami  which  runs  into  Lake 
Erie  ;  thence  a  westerly  course  to  Fort  Recovery, 
which  stands  on  a  branch  of  the  Wabash  ;  thence 
southwesterly  in  a  direct  line  to  the  Ohio,  so  as  to 
intersect  that  river  opposite  the  Kentucky,  or  Cut- 
tawa,  river.  And,  in  consideration  of  the  peace  now 
established,  of  the  goods  formerly  received  from  the 
United  States,  of  those  now  to  be  delivered,  and  of 
the  yearly  delivery  of  goods  now  stipulated  to  be 
made  hereafter,  and  to  indemnify  the  United  States 
for  injuries  and  expenses  sustained  during  the  war, 
the  said  Indian  tribes  do,  hereby,  cede  and  relinquish 
forever  all  their  claims  to  the  lands  lying  eastwardly 
and  southwardly  of  the  general  boundary  line  now 
described,  and  these  lands,  or  any  part  of  them,  shall 
never  hereafter  be  made  a  cause  or  pretense,  on  the 
part  of  the  said  tribes,  or  any  of  them,  of  war  or 
injury  to  the  United  States,  or  any  of  the  people 
thereof.  And  for  the  same  consideration,  and  as  an 
evidence  of  the  returning  friendship  of  the  said  In 
dian  tribes,  of  their  confidence  in  the  United  States, 
and  desire  to  provide  for  their  accommodation  and  for 
that  convenient  intercourse  which  will  be  beneficial 
to  both  parties,  the  said  Indian  tribes  do  also  cede  to 
the  United  States  the  following  pieces  of  land,  to  wit: 


122  HISTOKi'    OF    THJtt 

1.  One  piece  of  land,  six  miles  square,  at  or  near 
Laramie's  store,  before  mentioned.  2.  One  piece, 
two  miles  square,  at  the  head  of  the  navigable  water, 
or  landing-,  on  the  St.  Mary's  river,  near  Girty's  town. 
3.  One  piece  of  six  miles  square,  at  the  head  of  the 
navigable  water  of  the  Auglaize  river.  4.  One  piece, 
six  miles  square,  at  the  confluence  of  the  Auglaize 
and  Miami  rivers,  where  Fort  Defiance  now  stands. 
5.  One  piece,  six  miles  square,  at  or  near  the  con 
fluence  of  the  rivers  St.  Mary's  and  St.  Joseph's, 
where  Fort  Wayne  now  stands,  or  near  it.  6.  One 
piece,  two  miles  square,  on  the  Wabash  river,  at  the 
end  of  the  portage  from  the  Miami  of  the  lake,  and 
about  eight  miles  westward  from  Fort  Wayne. 
7.  One  piece,  six  miles  square,  at  the  Ouiatanon,  or 
oldWea  towns,  on  ths  Wabash  river.  8.  One  piece, 
twelve  miles  square,  at  the  British  fort  of  the  Miami 
of  the  lake,  at  the  foot  of  the  rapids.  9.  One  piece, 
six  miles  square,  at  the  mouth  of  the  said  river, 
where  it  empties  into  the  lake.  10.  One  piece,  six 
miles  square,  upon  Sandusky  lake,  where  a  fort  for 
merly  stood.  11.  One  piece,  two  miles  square,  at 
the  lower  rapids  of  the  Sandusky  river.  12.  The 
post  of  Detroit,  and  all  the  lands  to  the  north,  the 
west,  and  the  south  of  it,  of  which  the  Indian  title 
has  been  extinguished  by  gifts  or  grants  to  the  French 
or  English  governments  ;  and  so  much  more  land  to 
be  annexed  to  the  district  of  Detroit  as  shall  be  com 
prehended  between  the  river  Raisin,  on  the  south, 
Lake  St.  Clair,  on  the  north,  and  a  line,  the  general 
course  whereof  shall  be  six  miles  distant  from  the  west 


fiUAWNEK    INDIANS.  123 

end  of  Lake  Erie  and  Detroit  river.  13.  The  post 
of  Michilimackinac,  and  all  the  land  on  the  island  on 
which  that  post  stands,  and  the  main  land  adjacent, 
of  which  the  Indian  title  has  been  extinguished  by 
gifts  or  grants  to  the  French  or  English  government, 
and  a  piece  of  land  on  the  main  to  the  north  of  the 
island,  to  measure  six  miles  on  Lake  Huron,  or  the 
strait  between  Lakes  Michigan  and- Huron,  and  to 
extend  three  miles  back  from  the  water  of  the  lake 
or  strait,  and  also  the  island  De  Bois  Blanc,  being  an 
extra  and  voluntary  gift  of  the  Chippewa  nation. 

14.  One  piece  of  land,  six  miles  square,  at  the  mouth 
of  the  Chicago  river,  emptying  into  the  south-west 
end  of  Lake  Michigan,  where  a  fort  formerly  stood. 

15.  One  piece,  twelve  miles  square,  at  or  near  the 
mouth  of  the  Illinois  river,  emptying  into  the  Missis 
sippi.      16.  One  piece,  six  miles  square,  at  the  old 
Peoria's  fort  and  village,  near  the  south  end  of  the 
Illinois  lake.,  on  said  Illinois  river.     And  whenever 
the  United  States  shall  think  proper  to  survey  and 
mark  the  boundaries  of  the  lands  hereby  ceded  to 
them,  they  shall  give  timely  notice  thereof  to  the  said 
tribes  of  Indians,  that  they  may  appoint  some  of  their 
wise  chiefs  to  attend  and  see  that  the  lines  are  run 
according  to  the  terms  of  this  treaty.     And  the  said 
Indian  tribes  will  allow  to  the  people  of  the  United 
States  a  free  passage,  by  land  and  by  water,  as  one 
and  the   other  shall  be   found   convenient,  through 
their  country, 'along  the  chain  of  posts  hereinbefore 
mentioned  ;  that  is  to  say,  from  the  commencement 
of  the  portage  aforesaid,  at  or  near  Laramie's  store, 


124  HISTORY    OF    THE 

thence,  along  said  portage  to  the  St.  Mary's  and  down 
the  same  to  Fort 'Wayne,  and  then  down  the  Miami 
to  Lake  Erie ;  again,  from  the  commencement  of  the 
portage  at  or  near  Laramie's  store,  along  the  portage  ; 
from  thence  to  the  river  Auglaize,  and  down  the  same 
to  its  junction  with  the  Miami,  at  Fort  Defiance ; 
again,  from  the  commencement  of  the  portage  afore 
mentioned,  to  Sandusky  river,  and  down  the  same  to 
Sandusky  bay  and  Lake  Erie,  and  from  Sandusky  to 
the  post  which  shall  be  taken  at  or  near  the  foot  of 
the  rapids  of  the  Miami  of  the  lake,  and  from  thence 
to  Detroit.  Again,  from  the  mouth  of  the  Chicago 
to  the  commencement  of  the  portage  between  that 
river  and  the  Illinois  river  to  the  Mississippi;  also, 
from  Fort  Wayne,  along  the  portage  aforesaid,  which 
leads  to  theWabash,  and  then  down  the  Wabash  to 
the  Ohio.  And  the  said  Indian  tribes  will,  also,  al 
low  to  the  people'  of  the  United  States,  the  free  use 
of  the  harbors  and  the  mouths  of  rivers  along  the 
lakes  adjoining  the  Indian  lands,  for  sheltering  ves 
sels  and  boats,  and  liberty  to  land  their  cargoes 
where  necessary  for  their  safety. 

"ART.  4.  In  consideration  of  the  peace  now  estab 
lished,  and  of  the  cessions  and  relinquishments  of 
lands  made  in  the  preceding  article,  by  the  said  tribes 
of  Indians,  and  to  manifest  the  liberality  of  the 
United  States,  as  the  great  means  of  rendering  this 
peace  strong  and  perpetual,  the  United  States  relin 
quish  their  claims  to  all  other  Indian  lands  northward 
of  the  Ohio  river,  eastward  of  the  Mississippi,  and 
westward  and  southward  of  the  great  lakes,  and 


OF  TH£ 

UNIVERSITY 


8HAV,  NEE    INDIANU.  125 

the  waters  uniting  them,  according  to  the  boundary 
line  agreed  upon  by  the  United  States  and  the  k-ing 
of  Great  Britain,  in  the  treaty  of  peace  made  between 
them  in  the  year  1783.  But  from  this  relinquish- 
ment  by  the  United  States,  the  following  tracts  of 
land  are  explicitly  excepted.  1.  The  tract  of  one 
hundred  and  fifty  thousand  acres,  near  .the  rapids  of 
the  Ohio  river,  which  has  been  assigned  to  General 
Clark  for  the  use  of  himself  and  his  warriors.  2, 
The  post  of  St.  Vincennes,  on  the  Wabash  river,  and 
the  lands  adjacent,  of  which  the  Indian  title  has  been 
extinguished.  3.  The  lands  at  all  other  places,  in 
possession  of  the  French  people  and  other  white  set 
tlers  among  them,  of  which  the  Indian  title  has  been 
extinguished,  as  mentioned  in  the  3d  article  :  and  4. 

O 

The  post  of  Fort  Massac,  toward  the  mouth  of  the 
Ohio.  To  which  several  parcels  of  land,  so  excepted, 
the  said  tribes  relinquish  all  the  title  or  claim  which 
they  or  any  of  them  may  have.  And  for  the  same 
considerations,  and  with  the  same  views  above-men 
tioned,  the  United  States  now  deliver  to  the  said  In 
dian  tribes,  a  quantity  of  goods  to  the  value  of 
twenty  thousand  dollars,  the  receipt  whereof  they  do 
hereby  acknowledge  ;  and  henceforward,  every  year, 
forever,  the  United  States  will  deliver,  at  some  con 
venient  place  northward  of  the  Ohio  river,  like  useful 
goods,  suited  to  the  circumstances  of  the  Indians  of 
the  value  of  nine  thousand  five  hundred  dollars; 
reckoning  that  value  at  the  first  cost  of  the  goods  in 
the  city  or  place  in  the  United  States,  where  they 
shall  be  procured." 


126  HISTORY    OF    THB 

The  tribes  to  which  those  goods  are  to  be  delivered 
annually,  and  the  proportions  in  which  they  are  to  be 
delivered,  are  as  follows  : 

•    "  1.  To  the  Wyandots,  the  amount  of  one  thousand 
dollars. 

"  2.  To  the  Delawares,  the  amount  of  one  thou 
sand  dollars. 

"  3.  To  the  Shawnees,  the  amount  of  one  thousand 
dollars. 

"  4.  To  the  Miamis,  the  amount  of  one  thousand 
dollars. 

"  5.  To  the  Ottawas,  the  amount  of  one  thousand 
dollars. 

"  6.  To  the  Chippewas,  the  amount  of  one  thou 
sand  dollars. 

"  7.  To  the  Pottawatomies,  the  amount  of  one 
thousand  dollars. 

"  8.  And  to  the  Kickapoo,  Weas,  Eel  River,  Pi- 
ankeshaws,  and  Kaskaskias  tribes,  the  amount  of 
five  hundred  dollars  each. 

"  Provided,  That  if  either  of  the  said  tribes  shall 
hereafter,  at  the  annual  delivery  of  their  share  of 
the  goods  aforesaid,  desire  that  a  part  of  their  annu 
ity  should  be  furnished  in  domestic  animals,  imple 
ments  of  husbandry  and  other  utensils  convenient 
for  them,  and  in  compensation  to  useful  artificers  who 
may  reside  with  or  near  them,  and  be  employed  for 
their  benefit,  the  same  shall,  at  the  subsequent  an 
nual  deliveries,  be  furnished  accordingly. 

"ART.  5.  To  prevent  any  misunderstanding  about 
the  Indian  lands,  relinquished  to  the  United  States, 


BHAVVNKE    INDIANS.  127 

in  the  4th  article,  it  is  now  explicitly  declared  that  the 
meaning  of  that  relinquishment  is  this — The  Indian 
tribes  who  have  a  right  to  those  lands,  are  quietly 
to  enjoy  them,  hunting,  planting,  and  dwelling  thereon, 
so  long  as  they  please,  without  any  molestation  from 
the  United  States  ;  but  when  those  tribes,  or  any  of 
them,  shall  be  disposed  to  sell  their  lands,  or  any 
part  of  them,  they  are  to  be  sold  only  to  the  United 
States,  and  until  such  sale  the  United  States  will 
protect  all  the  said  Indian  tribes  in  the  quiet  enjoy 
ment  of  their  lands  against  all  citizens  of  the  United 
States,  and  against  all  other  white  persons  who  may 
intrude  upon  the  same  ;  and  the  said  Indian  tribes 
again  acknowledge  themselves  to  be  under  the  pro 
tection  of  the  United  States  and  no  other  power." 

The  foregoing  contains  all  that  related  to  the  Shaw- 
nees  at  that  treaty,  and  was  duly  signed  by  the  par 
ties  ;  but  as  usual  in  Indian  treaties,  the  government 
gave  them  great  assurances  of  peace  and  protection. 

There  is  one  thing  strikes  the  mind  of  the  reader  in 
looking  over  this  treaty,  and  that  is,  that  the  govern 
ment  requires  of  the  Indians  indemnity  for  the  expense 
of  this  war,  all  the  lands  lying  eastwardly  and  south 
wardly  of  the  boundary  line  described  in  this  treaty, 
and  we  may  to  that  amount  add  sixteen  reservations, 
which,  together,  contain  about  640  square  miles,  or 
409,600  acres,  beside  several  other  reservations,  the 
amount  not  given.  All  these  reservations,  it  will  be 
perceived,  were  selected  at  points,  too,  of  importance, 
and  of  course,  contained  the  most  valuable  lands 
they  held.  All  these  knds  to  be  taken  from  this 


128  HISTORY    OF    THE 

people  to  pay  for  the  expense  of  a  war  they  were 
urged  into  by  bad  white  men  under  the  influence  of 
another  nation,  who  still  harbored  bad  feelings  toward 
the  United  Slates;  still,  hard  as  it  was,  the  Indians 
had  to  be  the  only  losers,  in  a  pecuniary  point  of  view, 
as  the  lands  they  ceded  to  the  United  States,  were 
worth  more  by  far  than  the  war  and  the  goods  pro 
mised,  and  all  they  ever  cost  the  government.  And 
beside  this,  they  were  compelled  to  say,  that  for  the 
good- will  they  had  for  the  United  States  (as  well  as 
to  pay  for  this  war)  they  thus  ceded  away  this  vast 
amount  of  their  territory.  The  treaty  would  look 
much  better  without  that  part  in  it,  for  it  is  not  true. 


SHAWNEE    INDIANS. 


CHAPTER    XX. 


IN  the  year  1802,  a  deputation  of  Shawnees,  of 
which  the  chief,  Blackhoof,  was  one,  and  several  of 
the  Delaware  chiefs  in  company  with  him  on  their 
way  to  Washington  City  on  business  ;  in  order  to 
renew  their  acquaintance  with  their  old  friends,  the 
Quakers,  they  visited  Philadelphia,  they  being  imme 
diately  descended  from  those  who  had  been  so  kindly 
treated  in  former  days  by  William  Penn  and  his  peo 
ple,  and  who,  in  return,  had  received  so  many  favors 
from  them,  when  strangers  among  them  and  often  in 
need  of  such  things  as  the  natives  could  furnish  them. 

The  accounts  of  this  visit  say  that  the  chiefs  were 
treated  with  great  kindness,  and  furnished  with  a 
considerable  amount  in  money  and  goods  adapted  to 
their  wants. 

This  deputation,  on  their  return  from  Washington, 
was  furnished  with  the  following  beautiful  letter  from 
the  President,  through  the  Secretary  of  War,  to  wit : 

"  To  the  chiefs  of  the  Delawares  and  Shawnee 
Nations  of  Indians. 

"  The  Secretary  of  War  of  the  United  States  sends 
greeting. 

"  Friends  and  Brothers  : — The  deputation,  appoint 
ed  by  you  to  visit  the  seat  of  government,  have  arrived 
9 


130  HISTORY    OF    THS 

and  been  welcomed  by  your  father,  the  President  of 
the  United  States,  with  cordiality  ;  they  have  spoken, 
find  he  has  heard  all  the  representations  that  they 
were  instructed  by  you  to  make  to  him.  In  his  name, 
I  have  answered  them  in  sincerity  and  truth,  and 
when  they  shall  have  reported  to  you  what  I  have 
said,  I  trust  that  you  will  feel  all  uneasiness  removed 
fr-om  your  minds,  and  that  you  and  your  nations  will 
experience  that  satisfaction  which  must  result  from  a 
conviction  of  the  certainty  with  which  you  may  con 
tinue  to  rely  upon  the  friendship  and  protection  of  the 
United  States.  These  can  never  be  forfeited  but  by 
the  misconduct  of  the  red  people  themselves. 

"  Your  father,  the  President,  instructs  me  to  assure 
you  on  behalf  of  your  nation,  that  he  will  pay  the 
most  sacred  regard  to  existing  treaties  between  your 
respective  nations  and  ours,  and  protect  your  whole 
territory  against  all  intrusions  that  may  be  attempted 
by  white  people.  That  all  encouragement  shall  be 
given  you  in  your  just  pursuits  and  laudable  progress 
toward  comfort  and  happiness,  by  the  introduction 
of  useful  arts.  That  all  persons,  who  shall  offend 
against  your  treaties,  or  against  any  of  the  laws  made 
for  your  protection,  shall  be  brought  to  justice,  or  if 
this  should  be  impossible,  that  a  faithful  remunera 
tion  shall  be  made  to  you,  and  that  he  never  will 
abandon  his  beloved  Delawares  and  Shawnees,  nor 
their  children,  so  long  as  they  shall  act  justly  toward 
the  white  people  and  their  red  brethren. 

"This  is  all  that  he  requires  from  you  for  his 
friendship  and  protection  ;  he  trusts  you  will  not  force 


SHAWNEE    INDIANS.  131 

him  to  recede  from  these  determinations  by  improper 
or  unjust  change  of  conduct,  but  that  you  will  give 
him  abundant  course  to  increase,  if  possible,  his 
desire  to  see  you  happy  and  contented  under  the  fos 
tering  care  of  the  United  States. 

"'I  send  you  a  chain  (which  is  made  of  pure  gold) 
by  your  beloved  chiefs ;  it  will  never  rust,  and  I  pray 
the  Great  Spirit  to  assist  us  in  keeping  the  chain  of 
friendship  (of  which  this  gold  chain  is  an  emblem) 
bright  for  a  long  succession  of  years. 

"  Given  under  my  hand  and  seal  of  the  war  office 
of  the  United  States,  the  ninth  day  of  February,  one 
thousand  eight  hundred  and  two." 

.Signed  :  "  HENRY  DEARBORN, 

"Secretary  of  War." 


132  HISTORY   OF    TUB 


CHAPTER  XXI. 


AT  a  treaty  held  by  Charles  Jewit,  Commissioner 
on  behalf  of  the  United  States,  in  the  year  1805,  and 
Wyandots,  Ottawas,  Shawnees,  Delawares,  and  Pot- 
tawatomies  I  find  the  following : 

1 .  The  boundary  line  between  the  United  States 
and  the  Indian  nations  aforesaid,  shall  in  future  be  a 
meridian  line  drawn  north  and  south  through  a  boun 
dary  to  be  erected  on  the  south  shore  of  Lake  Erie, 
one-and-twenty  miles  due  west  of  the  boundary  line 
of  Pennsylvania,  extending  north  until  it  intersects 
the  boundary  line  of  the  United  States,  and  extend 
ing  south  until  it  intersects  a  line  heretofore  estab 
lished  by  the  treaty  of  Greenville. 

2.  That  the  Indian  nations  aforesaid,  for  the  con 
siderations  of  friendship  to  the  United  States,  and  the 
sums  of  money  hereinafter  mentioned,  to  be  annually 
paid  to  the  Shawnees,   Delawares,  Wyandots,  and 
Miami  nations  of  Indians,  have  ceded  and  do  hereby 
relinquish  and  cede  to  the  United  States  forever,  all 
the  lands  belonging  to  the  said  nations  of  Indians 
lying  east  of  the  aforesaid  line,  bounded  southwardly 
and   eastwardly  by  the  line  established  by  the  said 
treaty  of   Greenville  ;    and   northwestwardly  by  the 


SHAWNEE    INDIANS.  133 

northernmost  point  of  the  forty-first  degree  of  north 
latitude. 

3.  That  the  United  States,  to  preserve  harmony, 
manifest  their  liberality,  and  in  consideration  of  the 
cession  made  in  the  preceding  article,  will  every  year, 
forever  hereafter,  at  Detroit  or  some  other  convenient 
place,  pay  and  deliver  to  the  Shawnees  and  Seneca 
nations  of  Indians,  and  the  Delaware  and  Wyandot 
nations  of  Indians,  the  sum  of  eight  hundred  and 
twenty-five  dollars — in  the  whole  an  annuity  of  one 
thousand  dollars,  which  last  sum  of  one  hundred  and 
twenty-five  dollars  has  been  renewed  to  the  Presi 
dent,  in  trust  for  said  nations,  by  the  Connecticut 
company,  and  by  the  company  incorporated  by  the 
name  of  "  the  proprietors  of  the  half  million  acres  of 
land  lying  south  of  the  Erie,  called  'sufferers'  land/  ': 
payable  annually,  as  aforesaid,  and  to  be  divided 
between  said  nations,  from  time  to  time,  in  proportion 
with  the  appropriations,  as  the  President  shall  agree. 

At  another  treaty,  bearing  the  same  date,  the  In 
dians  released  all  further  claims  on  this  company  to 
the  above  described  land,  or  annuity,  for  the  sum  of 
eighteen  thousand  nine  hundred  and  sixty  dollars. 


134  HISTORY    OF    THE 


CHAPTER  XXII. 


IN  a  treaty  held  at  Brownstown,  in  Michigan  Ter 
ritory,  in  the  year  1808,  between  William  Hull,  com 
missioner  on  behalf  of  the  United  States,  and  the 
Shawnees,  Pottawatomies,  Wyandots,  and  Ottawas, 
it  was  agreed  by  the  parties  that  the  lands  lying  on 
the  south-east  side  of  Lake  Erie,  between  said  lake 
and  the  boundary  lines  established  by  the  treaty  of 
Greenville  and  Fort  Industry,  with  the  exception  of 
a  few  reservations  to  the  United  States,  still  belonrr 

t3 

to  the  Indian  nation;  so  the  United  States  cannot,  of 
right,  open  and  maintain  a  convenient  road  from  the 
settlement  on  the  Ohio  to  the  settlements  in  Michigan, 
nor  extend  those  settlements,  so  as  to  connect  them. 
In  order,  therefore,  to  promote  this  object,  so  desira 
ble  and  evidently  beneficial  to  the  Indian  nations,  as 
well  as  to  the  United  States,  the  parties  Lave  agreed 
to  the  following  article,  to  wit : 

"  In  order  to  promote  the  object  aforesaid,  and  in 
consideration  of  the  friendship  they  'have  toward  the 
United  States,  for  the  liberality  and  benevolent  policy 
which  has  been  practiced  toward  them,  by  the  gov 
ernment  thereof,  the  said  nations  do  hereby  give, 


SHAW  NEE    INDIANS. 


135 


grant,  and  cede,  unto  the  said  United  States,  a  tract 
of  land  for  a  road,  of  one  hundred  and  twenty  feet 
in  width,  from  the  foot  of  the  rapids  of  the  Miami  of 
Lake  Erie  to  the  western  line  of  the  Connecticut  Re 
serve,  and  all  the  land  within  one  mile  of  said  road, 
on  each  side  thereof,  fur  the  purposes  of  establishing 
settlements  thereon.  Also,  a  tract  of  land  for  a 
road  only,  of  one  hundred  and  twenty  feet  in  width, 
to  run  from  lower  Sandusky  southwardly,  to  the 
boundary  line  established  by  the  treaty  of  Green 
ville,  with  the  privilege  of  taking  timber  from  the 
adjacent  lands,  as  well  as  other  materials  as  may 
be  necessary  for  making  and  keeping  in  repair  said 
loud,  with  the  bridges  that  may  be  required  along 
the  same." 

This  cession  of  land,  it  will  be  seen,  includes  a 
tract  two  miles  and  one  hundred  and  twenty  feet 
wide,  and  the  other  one  hundred  and  twenty  feet 
wide,  and  (as  shown  on  the  map)  one  hundred  miles 
long — that  is,  two  hundred  square  miles,  beside  the 
two  roads,  of  one  hundred  and  twenty  feet  each  in 
width.  Now,  it  will  present  to  the  mind  of  a  thought 
ful  person,  as  a  question  of  some  importance,  what 
did  these  Indians  get  for  this  large  tract  of  land  ? 
Well,  by  the  language  of  the  treaty,  Ave  are  to  un 
derstand  it  in  this  way:  that  the  Indians  gave  all  this 
tract  of  land  merely  as  a  manifestation  of  the  good 
will  they  have  for  the  United  States  and  the  govern 
ment  thereof;  for  "  their  liberality  and  the  benevolent 
course  practiced  toward  them,  they  cede  them  this 


136  HISTORY    OF    THE 

land."  That  appears  to  be  all  the  government  ex 
pected  to  give  them,  that  of  giving  liberty  to  keep  in 
mind  their  benevolent  acts,  by  continually  paying  in 
land  for  them. 

Now,  wherein  was  this  benevolent  policy  pursued 
toward  this  people,  for  which  they  are  taxed  so 
heavily  ?  Was  it  by  the  treaty  at  Greenville  ?  Not 
at  all.  In  that  treaty  they  ceded  an  enormous  amount 
of  land  for  indemnity,  for  the  expense  of  the  war, 
and  for  "  the  benevolent  policy  practiced  toward 
them."  Was  it  for  the  favors  bestowed  on  them  in 
Jewit's  treaty  of  1805?  Certainly  not;  for  in  that 
treaty  they  relinquished  their  claim  to  half  a  million 
acres  of  land  for  eighteen  thousand  dollars,  and  for 
favors  bestowed  on  them  by  the  United  States,  and 
as  a  consideration  of  their  friendship  for  the  United 
States. 

With  great  respect  for  our  government  I  must  con 
clude,  after  reading  these  treaties,  in  which  such  a 
vast  country  has  been  acquired  of  the  Indians,  that, 
after  taking  land  sufficient  to  indemnify  the  United 
States  for  these  Indian  wars,  it  is  found  that  the  land 
we  want  will  very  far  over-pay  that  demand,  and  we 
add  to  that  the  curious  account  of  indemnity  from 
them  for  our  benevolence  toward  them,  and  make 
them  acknowledge  it,  and  also  to  make  them  pay  us 
something  to  satisfy  us  that  they  have  actually  a 
great  regard  for  us. 

I  may  insert  here  that  about  the  year  1806,  the 
Society  of  Friends  in  England  took  into  consideration 


6HAWNEE    INDIANS.  137 

the  arduous  care  of  the  Society  in  Pennsylvania  and 
other  States,  for  the  instruction  of  the  Indians,  and 
feeling  much  interest,  too,  for  the  welfare  of  this  peo 
ple,  in  their  desolate  condition,  raised  the  sum  of 
£11,770  16*.  Qd,  and  sent  it  over  to  the  United 
States,  to  advance  this  benevolent  work. 


138 


HISTORY   OF    THE 


CHAPTER    XXIII 


IT  was  to  the  Shawnees  of  Wapaughkonnetta  and 
Hag  Creek  that  the  labors  of  the  Society  of  Friends 
were  directed,  at  a  period  antecedent  to  that  time ; 
but  in  the  year  1812,  when  war  broke  out  between 
England  and  the  United  Stales,  their  labors  were 
suspended  until  the  return  of  peace,  at  which  time 
they  were  resumed. 

About  this  time  the  Friends  erected,  for  the  Shaw 
nees,  at  its  own  expense,  and  with  the  consent  of 
government,  a  grist-mill  and  saw-mill,  on  the  Au- 
glaize  river,  at  Wapaughkonnetta,  and  made  other 
improvements  at  that  place,  such  as  a  dwelling-house 
for  a  superintendent  and  family,  who  were  sent  out 
to  reside  among  the  Indians,  to  take  charge  of  the 
mills,  and  to  endeavor  to  assist  and  encourage  them 
in  commencing  the  improvement  of  their  land. 
These  Indians,  from  the  knowledge  they  had  ac 
quired  in  the  arts  of  agriculture,  soon  learned  to 
raise  corn,  beans,  pumpkins,  etc.  The  corn  they 
had  ground  at  the  mill,  free  from  toll,  which  their 
women  soon  learned  to  bake  into  bread,  which  they 
found  much  better  and  much  easier  done  than  their 
former  method  of  pounding  into  hominy. 


.SHAWNKE    INDIANS.  139 

The  expense  of  erecting  the  mills,  keeping  them 
in  repair,  paying  hands  to  attend  them,  as  well  as 
every  other  expense  appertaining  to  the  support  of 
this  institution,  for  the  benefit  of  the  Indians,  was  all 
borne  by  the  Society  of  Friends.  The  saw-mill  was 
used  in  making  boards,  in  order  to  assist  the  Indians 
in  making  their  houses  and  furniture  for  the  comfort 
of  their  families. 

A  large  amount  of  expense  was  incurred,  by  keep 
ing  up  and  supporting  this  institution  in  that  remote 
place,  being  thirty  miles  from  the  settlements  of  white 
people,  as  all  the  supplies  had  to  be  hauled  that  dis 
tance,  on  extremely  bad  roads ;  and  a  vast  amount 
fed  away  to  the  hungry  Indians.  Notwithstanding 
which,  the  Society  continued  its  labors,  although 
there  was  much  difficulty  in  obtaining  superintendents 
in  that  wilderness,  who  were  willing  to  forsake  the 
comforts  of  life,  and  civil  and  religious  society,  and 
spend  their  time  in  that  cold  and  inhospitable  region, 
and  spend  such  a  life  as  they  had  then  to  endure, 
among  this  (then)  rude  and  savage  people. 

The  Shawnees  were  very  ignorant,  in  regard  to 
building  houses,  making  rails,  building  fence,  etc. 
Being  aware  of  this,  the  Society  employed  young 
white  men  to  assist  them  in  building  cabins,  making 
rails,  etc.,  and  in  doing  many  other  things.  They 
were  furnished  too.  with  plow  irons,  which  the 
Friends  stalked  for  them. 

About  this  time,  they  received  a  handsome  present 
in  money,  from  a  female  Friend  in  England,  for  the 
purpose  of  supplying  them  with  farming  utensils  and 


140  HISTORY    OF    THE 

other  necessary  implements  of  husbandry,  as  an 
encouragement  to  them  in  their  laudable  undertaking. 
This  money  was  judiciously  appropriated,  which,  to 
gether  with  the  assistance  they  received  from  govern 
ment,  and  by  their  own  industry,  they  were  soon  in 
a  way  of  doing  much  better  for  themselves,  than 
they  had  formerly  been. 

Thus  encouraged  in  bettering  their  condition  in 
life,  they  fast  gained  in  the  arts  of  civilization  and 
in  the  acquisition  of  property,  and  the  estimation  of 
its  real  value,  after  having  honestly  acquired  it. 
Being  gradually  furnished  with  cows,  they  soon 
learned  the  use  of  them,  to  the  great  comfort  of 
themselves  and  families.  They  soon  learned  the  use 
and  benefit  of  oxen,  and  to  work  horses,  and  plowed 
their  corn,  and  thus  relieved  their  women  of  the 
intolerable  task  they  had  before  laid  on  them,  of 
raising  their  corn  with  the  hoe,  and  by  that  course, 
the  women  had  more  time  to  attend  to  the  care  of 
themselves  and  families.  And,  as  the  men  thus 
made  provision  for  furnishing  food  for  their  families, 
the  women  were  not  behind  in  their  part  of  the  work ; 
and  at  lenght  these  kind-hearted  people  had  begun 
under  the  fostering  care  of  the  government,  and  by 
the  aid  of  the  Society,  to  realize  better  days ;  and 
through  which,  they  could  look  forward  with  a 
pleasing  hope  of  one  day  being  a  prosperous  and 
happy  people. 

They  had  by  two  treaties,  secured  an  annuity  of 
three  thousand  dollars  annually,  to  be  paid  them  at 
Wapaughkonnetta,  for  the  benefit  of  the  whole  tribe  ; 


SHAWNEE    INDIANS.  141 

that  is,  each  person  to  draw  his  or  her  portion  in 
money  annually,  forever.  This,  for  many  years, 
was  honestly  paid  to  them,  agreeably  to  the  stipula 
tions  of  the  treaties,  while  their  old  and  worthy 
agent  remained  in  charge  of  their  affairs  ;  but,  as  the 
government  itself  passed  into  new  hands,  so  in  like 
manner  those  officers  who  had  long  managed  the 
Indian  affairs,  had  to  give  place  to  others,  who  ne 
glected  their  business,  and  the  poor  Indians  suffered. 
These  poor  creatures  had  many,  and  to  them, 
almost  insurmountable  obstacles  to  encounter,  in 
turning  their  minds  toward  an  entire  change  in  their 
manner  of  passing  through  this  world.  This,  to  an 
entirely  independent  race  of  men,  as  much  so,  per 
haps,  as  any  that  ever  lived  in  any  age  of  the  world, 
was  doubtless  a  very  hard  task  for  them  to  be  recon 
ciled  to.  These  undaunted  men  of  the  forest,  from 
time  immemorial,  had  been  the  independent  owners 
of  the  soil.  They  had  had  the  undisputed  owner 
ship  of  this  vast  continent  of  America  for  ages  ;  they 
had,  before  the  whites  were  ever  seen  on  it,  roamed 
over  it  (as  Tecumseh  remarked  to  Harrison,)  to  eat 
its  fruits,  and  to  fill  it  with  the  same  race.  Where- 
ever  one  of  those  remarkable  people  set  his  foot, 
there  was  his  home — there,  could  he  boast  was  his 
own  home.  He  was  on  his  own  soil.  No  tyrant 
to  disinherit  him  ;  no  one  could  order  him  off  his 
soil ;  no  written  code  of  laws  could  encircle  him, 
and  here  he  was  content.  No  voyages  of  discovery 
troubled  his  imagination  at  all.  No  continent  hunted 
by  them  to  conquer ;  but  here,  where  Providence 


142  HISTORY    OF    THE 

placed  them,  they  were  content  to  remain  ;  here, 
they  were  no  doubt  content.  If  they  only  had  "  food 
to  eat,  and  raiment  to  put  on,"  they  were  content. 
If  broils  arose  between  different  nations,  and  war  en 
sued,  we  have  it  stated  by  themselves,  that  they 
were  soon  arrested  by  the  friendly  mediation  of  other 
bands.  They  wanted  but  little  as  a  little,  a  few  ar 
ticles  of  food  and  clothing  would  satisfy  them.  They 
had  a  very  decided  advantage  over  us  in  that. 
Although 

"  The  wise  man  's  happy  nature  to  explore  ; 

The  poor  (Indian  's)  contented  that  he  knows  no  more." 

To  an  independent  people  as  the  Indians  once 
were,  after  being  so  badly  treated  by  another  race  of 
men,  as  they  had  been  in  so  many  instances  by  the 
white  people — now  to  look  toward  changing  their 
manner  of  life  entirely,  by  adopting  the  life  of  their 
oppressors,  must,  to  such  minds  as  theirs,  have  been 
a  very  severe  trial  indeed  ;  for  to  exchange  an  Indian 
life  for  the  life  of  a  white  man,  is  nothing  short  of  a 
thorough,  radical  change  out  and  out — religion  and 
all,  not  a  vestige  of  it  is  to  be  left.  How  hard  it 
must  have  been  for  the  Shawnecs  in  particular,  who 
were  as  sensitive  a  tribe  as  any  nation  on  the  contin 
ent  perhaps ;  one  who  had  been  as  badly  treated 
perhaps,  as  any  other  had,  and  felt  their  wrongs  as 
much  as  any  other  had,  thus  to  consent  to  leave  all, 
and  embrace  the  views  of  the  white  man,  and  adop 
his  manner  of  life. 

And  it  may  be  safely  concluded,  that  these  people 


SHAWNEK   INDIANS.  143 

did  agree  to  come  into  the  measure,  by  the  subject 
being  introduced  to  them  by  the  Society  of  Friends, 
more  readily  than  they  would  have  done  from  the 
influence  of  any  other  people,  as  they  well  remem 
bered  how  kindly  they  were  treated  by  William  Penn 
and  his  people  long  before. 

About  the  year  1810,  the  Shawnees  received  a 
letter  from  their  agent,  John  Johnston,  by  the  hands 
of  some  Friends  from  Baltimore,  when  they  visited 
them,  on  the  subject  of  commencing  to  labor  for  their 
improvement.  This  letter  urged  them  in  the  most 
earnest  manner,  to  embrace  the  course  proposed  to 
them  by  the  Quakers.  He  declared  to  them,  that 
the  Quakers  had  ever  been  the  real  friends  of  the 
Indians — had  never  done  any  wrong  to  them — never 
told  them  any  lies,  nor  never  would  do  it,  etc.  This 
letter  the  Shawnees  still  have  in  their  possession,  and 
hold  it  in  much  reverence  on  account  of  its  author, 
who,  they  say,  never  deceived  them  in  his  life. 

The  fact  that  they  did  agree  to  come  into  the 
measure  at  that  time,  when  they  were  so  stripped  of 
their  lands  and  were  smarting  on  account  of  recent 
and  multiplied  wrongs,  perpetrated  against  them  by 
the  white  men,  is  the  better  calculated  to  awaken 
every  good  feeling  of  our  nature  in  sympathy  for 
them.  Notwithstanding  the  exalted  opinion  which 
an  Indian  never  fails  to  have  of  himself  and  his  race, 
still  to  see  him  look  up  to  the  white  man  (an  inferior 
race,  most  certainly)  for  counsel  and  advice,  I  say 
this  has  never  failed  to  tender  my  feelings.  During 


144  HISTORY    OF    THE 

the  time  I  have  spent  with  the  Shawnees,  on  many 
occasions  I  have  been  looked  up  to  for  counsel,  by 
men  vastly  my  superiors  in  years,  in  experience,  in 
public  affairs,  in  intellect  and  in  the  power  of  speech, 
as  well  as  in  fine  feelings  ;  in  fact,  in  everything  ex 
cept  in  a  knowledge  of  letters  and  in  the  use  of  them. 
Many  of  them  have  a  very  correct  idea  of  human 
nature.  They  never  ask  for  written  evidences  of  the 
good  character  of  a  man,  as  we  do.  They  only  wish 
to  see  a  man,  to  look  him  sternly  in  the  face,  and  ob 
serve  his  manner  for  a  few  minutes ;  then  it  is  no 
hard  task  to  obtain  from  them  their  opinion  of  the 
man,  and  they  are  not  often  mistaken. 

At  the  time  the  Friends  commenced  their  labors 
among  the  Shawnees,  they  were  soon  prevailed  upon 
to  commence  in  agricultural  pursuits  ;  but  they  were 
opposed  for  several  years,  to  the  idea  of  having  their 
children  educated  in  a  knowledge  of  letters  ;  yet  they 
at  length  agreed  to  that,  ,also,  and  a  school  was  set 
up  for  that  purpose,  and  their  children  evinced  an 
aptness  for  learning  beyond  what  had  been  antici 
pated.  This  encouraged  their  parents,  and  little  ob 
jection  was  heard  to  schools  afterward — the  schools 
were  conducted  on  the  manual  labor  system. 

The  friends  of  the  Indians  were  at  length  much 
gratified  to  find  that  this  noted  and  restless  band  of 
Indians  were  advancing  rapidly  in  the  arts  of  civiliz 
ation,  and  thereby  emerging  from  their  deplorable 
condition  of  hunger  and  nakedness  into  a  peaceable 
and  plentiful  living  ;  and  thus  they  continued  to  do 


SHAWNEE    INDIANS.  145 

until  about  the  year  1830,  when  intimations  reached 
their  ears  that  the  government  had  it  in  contemplation 
to  buy  them  out. 

This  they  had  dreaded  from  the  first,  and  they  often 
remarked,  when  they  were  urged  to  improve  their 
land,  that  "  if  they  did  improve  their  land  the  whites 
would  want  it,  and  persuade  government  to  drive 
them  off,"  etc.  But  their  friends  would  try  to  allay 
these  apprehensions  by  assuring  them  that  they  need 
have  no  fears  on  that  account,  as  they  could  not  be 
lieve,  for  a  moment,  that  the  United  States  would  be 
so  intolerably  hard,  after  the  solemn  pledges  so  often 
made  and  repeated,  that  if  they  would  improve  their 
lands  arid  be  at  peace,  that  they  never  should  be 
asked  for  their  land ;  but  alas  !  what  a  mistake  ! 

An  account  of  the  manners  and  customs  of  the 
Shawnees  in  their  uncultivated  state. 

As  we  have  traced  the  Shawnees  through  a  long 
period,  extending  through  nearly  three  generations, 
and  until  we  see  them  nearly  emerged  from  a  wan 
dering  life,  incident  to  the  chase,  and  enjoying  peace 
and  plenty,  too,  of  the  necessaries,  and  many  of 
them,  the  comforts  of  life,  matured  by  their  own- in 
dustry  and  good  houses,  orchards,  stock,  etc.,  we 
shall  leave  them  for  awhile  unmolested,  and  endeavor 
to  give  an  account  of  the  manner  in  which  they  spent 
their  time,  through  the  various  seasons  of  the  year, 
previous  to  this  new  era  in  their  history  ;  and  this  we' 
can  do  partly  from  a  very  early  knowledge  of  this 
people's  manners  and  customs,  and  partly  from  ac 
counts  received  by  conversing  with  the  older  Indians. 
10 


146  HISTORY    OF    THE 

Previous  to  these  Indians  commencing  the  im 
provements  of  their  land,  they  lived  in  villages  near 
Auglaize  river.  Through  the  warm  season  of  the 
year,  they  would  remain  about  home,  and  would  raise 
considerable  quantities  of  corn  and  beans — all  the 
labor  being  performed  by  the  women  and  children, 
who  had  not  only  to  plant  and  tend  it,  but  to  watch 
the  ponies  oif,  as  they  had  no  fences  in  these  times. 
The  men  would  lounge  about  during  the  summer, 
when  the  weather  was  warm  and  the  skins  and  furs 
not  fit  for  market ;  sometimes,  when  hunger  drove 
them  away  from  their  shades,  they  would  employ 
themselves  in  catching  fish,  and  now  and  then  sally 
off  to  the  woods  and  kill  a  deer,  as  such  animals  were 
plenty  then.  By  the  time  fall  would  arrive  they 
would  have  their  corn  all  used  up,  as  these  people 
never,  in  the  state  in  which  they  lived  while  uncul 
tivated,  try  to  lay  up  in  store  beforehand;  what 
they  have  to-day,  if  they  need  it  they  use  it,  if  it  was 
the  last  bite  they  had.  Nothing  is  too  costly  or  too 
good  to  set  before  a  friend — what  one  has  is  freely 
set  before  another — and  in  this  way  all  they  have  is 
soon  entirely  consumed,  as  they  feast  almost  con 
tinually,  when  they  have  anything  to  feast  one 
another  with. 

In  the  fall  season  they  nearly  all  commence  pre 
paring  for  their  winter's  hunt.  When  about  to  set 
off,  the  whole  family,  men,  women  and  children,  to 
gether  with  their  dogs,  (of  which  they  always  have 
a  large  supply,)  cais,  and  all,  with  all  their  ponies, 
of  which  they  keep  in  great  numbers,  with  as  much 


SHAWNEE    INDIANS.  147 

of  their  furniture  as  they  can  conveniently  carry,  gene 
rally  consisting  of  several  brass  or  copper  kettles, 
some  wooden  ladles,  bowls,  and  large  spoons,  a  toma 
hawk,  and  each  one  a  large  butcher-knife.  Thus 
equipped,  the  whole  company  set  off  for  the  lonely 
Avoods.  I  have  seen  many  of  these  companies  moving 
off  in  cold  weather,  among  whom  were  to  be  seen  the 
aged,  gray-headed  grandmother,  the  anxious,  care 
worn,  and  nearly  forlorn  mother  with  her  half-naked 
children,  and  often  a  little  infant  on  her  back,  fastened 
to  a  board  or  wrapped  in  her  blanket  and  held  to  her 
back,  with  its  little  naked  head  to  the  cold  wind  over 
its  mother's  shoulders  ;  the  whole  company  headed 
by  the  nimble-footed,  stout-hearted  warrior,  with  his 
blanket  drawn  close  around  his  body,  a  handker 
chief  curiously  twisted  to  a  knot  on  his  head,  with 
his  gun  on  his  shoulder  and  gunstick  in  his  hand,  his 
tomahawk  in  his  belt,  which  is  so  constructed  that 
the  poll  is  his  pipe  and  the  handle  the  stem,  and  he 
carries  his  tobacco  in  the  skin  of  some  little  animal, 
often  the  polecat  skin. 

When  they  arrive  at  the  place  of  destination,  they 
erect  a  tent  of  sufficient  size  to  afford  room  for  the 
whole  family  to  lodge  in.  This  tent  is  made  of  small 
poles,  with  the  large  end  stuck  in  the  ground  and  the 
small  ends  lashed  together  at  top,  and  then  the  skins 
of  animals,  which  they  have  killed,  are  stretched 
over  the  poles,  so  that  the  upper  ones  lap  over  the 
under  ones  and  thus  turn  off  the  rain  and  snow  as 
well  as  boards.  In  the  middle  of  this  tent  they  build 
their  fire,  the  smoke  ascends  through  an  opening  in 


148  HISTORY    OF    THE 

the  top,  left  for  that  purpose.  In  the  tent  are  spread 
their  skins,  on  which  they  repose ;  all  lie  down 
together  and  cover  themselves  with  their  blankets, 
which  each  one  always  has  if  it  is  in  their  power, 
they  being  of  great  benefit  both  by  night  ani  day. 
Indeed  they  are  seldom  seen  without  them,  using 
them  for  cover  at  night  and  wrapper  by  day ;  they 
use  them  while  out  hunting  and  when  attending  their 
fashionable  parties,  of  which  they  are  extremely 
fond  and  have  often,  on  which  occasion  they  put  on 
their  finest  beads,  belts,  ribbons,  and  the  like  para 
phernalia,  and  over  all  the  rest  of  the  body  goes  the 
blanket,  if  cleaned  well,  if  not,  it  is  at  once  cleaned. 
If  they  are  furnished  with  anything  in  the  way  of 
provision,  the  blanket  is  at  once  removed  from  their 
shoulders,  and  whatever  they  have  to  carry  home  is 
wrapped  in  it ;  indeed  so  natural  is  it  to  see  an  Indian 
with  his  blanket  about  him,  that  one  would  almost 
conclude  that  it  was  actually  a  part  and  parcel  of  the 
Indian.  There  are  a  few  things  sure  to  be  seen  in 
an  Indian's  possession,  unless  very  poor  indeed ; 
these  are  a  poney,  a  gun,  tomahawk,  a  dog,  butcher- 
knife,  and  blanket.  These  things  are  his  outfit,  and 
if  thus  furnished,  he  is  not  considered  a  very  poor 
man  by  his  people. 

When  thus  settled  on  their  intended  hunting- 
grounds,  the  men  sally  forth  in  quest  of  game,  and 
if  any  is  to  be  found,  they  do  not  fail  to  bring  it  down 
with  their  rifles.  When  the  game  is  killed  it  is  hung 
up  in  the  woods  out  of  the  reach  of  the  wolves,  then 
the  hunter  pushes  on  in  quest  of  more,  and  often 


SHAWNKE    INDIANS. 


149 


continues  his  hunt  for  several  days  before  returning 
to  the  camp.     Having-  secured  a  quantity  in  this  way, 
he  returns  to  the  camp  with  what  he  can  carry,  re 
mains  all  night  with  his  family  and  feasts  on  what  he 
has  thus  provided.     Wiien  rested  from  his  excursion 
and  sees  his  family  supplied  with  food,  he  sets  off 
with  his  pony  in  quest  of  what  game  he  has  secured 
over  the  woods,  and  so  thoroughly  are  these  people 
acquainted  with  the  woods  that  an  Indian  hunter  can 
find  all  the  game  he  has  hanging  over  the  hunting- 
ground,  for  miles  in  extent  in  every  direction  ;  and  so 
honest  are  they,  that  no  Indian  will  interrupt  what  he 
finds  hanging  up  which  others  have  killed.     When 
the  hunter  returns  to  the  camp  with  his  game,  he 
gives  all  into  the  hands  of  the  women  and  children, 
who  take  care  of  the  skins  and  furs  in  the  neatest 
manner,  and  then  slice  the  best  of  the  venison  up  in 
long  thin  slices  to  dry,  except  the  hams,  which  they 
dry  before  the  fire  for  trade  ;  and  such  bony  parts  as 
they  cannot  cure   to   advantage,  they  boil   in  their 
kettles,  and  upon  that  and  the  soup,  they  feast  boun 
tifully,   and    then   the   hunter   resumes   his   regular 
chpe,  for  several  days  together,  through  the  whole 
winter,  or  until  the  skins  and  furs  become  unfit  for 
market,  and  that  is  toward  the  last  of  February;  then 
they  return  to  their  homes. 

When  the  season  for  hunting  deer  closes,  the  trap 
ping  season  opens  ;  these  of  the  Indians,  who  chased 
the  deer  and  trapped  tlie  vermin— and  nearly  all  the 
Shawnees  did,  who  lived  near  Wapaughkonnetta— if 
thev  returned  at  all  from  the  winter  hunt,  would  set 


150  HISTORY    OF    THE 

out  in  the  same  way  again.  This  branch  of  their 
business  was  conducted  in  the  following  manner.  As 
soon  as  the  season  arrives  for  frogs  to  come  out,  which 
are  the  principal  food  of  the  raccoon,  and  as  they  live 
in  and  about  the  ponds  of  water  which  abound  in  that 
country  where  these  animals  inhabit,  the  raccoons 
are  ever  in  quest  of  them  and  frequent  those  places, 
and  not  being  a  water-animal,  they  have  to  resort  to 
stratagem,  hence  they  traverse  every  log,  that  lops 
in  or  about  the  water,  in  order  to  reach  their  prey. 
The  Indians,  being  accustomed  to  this,  resort  to  stra 
tagem  too,  in  order  to  take  their  prey.  This  they  do 
after  the  following  manner.  Immediately  across  one 
of  these  logs,  that  lies  furthest  in  the  water,  they 
place  a  long  straight  pole,  and  directly  over  this,  and 
lengthwise  with  it,  is  laid  another  and  stakes  firmly 
driven  on  each  side,  so  that  the  upper  one  will  fall 
directly  on  the  under  one  and  fit  it  to  exactness  ;  the 
upper  pole  is  then  raised  at  the  upper  end,  and  curi 
ously  suspended  by  triggers  arranged  so  that,  when 
the  animal  is  traversing  the  log  in  quest  of  his  hidden 
prey,  in  crossing  the  pole  on  the  log  he  comes  directly 
in  contact  with  the  thread,  made  of  sinews  from-.the 

- 

deer,  hanging  by  these  triggers,  when  the  upper  pole, 
by  the  movement  of  the  animal,  is  let  loose  ;  then  the 
game  is  instantly  secured  safe  for  the  new  owner 
until  he  comes  his  daily  rounds  to  his  traps  in  search 
of  his  well-earned  victim,  which  is  taken  out  and  the 
trap  again  set  in  readiness  for  the  next  evening  in 
truder.  The  game,  thus  taken,  i>  lashed  on  the 
pony  and  carried  the  rounds  of  the  traps  and  to  the 


8HAWXEE    INDIANS.  151 

camp,  where  he  is  stripped  of  his  soft,  warm  cover 
ing,  and  well  spread  out  on  sticks  and  hung  up  to 
dry  by  the  tent,  in  care  of  the  squaws,  while  his 
body  is  dressed  and  hung  up  by  an  Indian  fire  until 
it  is  well  roasted,  when  the  happy  beings  divide  and 
eat  the  flesh,  and  the  dogs  devour  the  bones,  and 
thus  are  supplied  their  insatiate  appetites,  and  this 
ends  the  ceremonies  of  the  feast.  But  such  is  their 
inclination  to  the  golden  rule,  that  if  one  should  find  the 
trap  of  another,  he  would  not  plunder  and  rob  it,  but 
would  quietly  remove  the  game  carefully,  hang  it  in 
a  bush  near  by,  and  set  the  trap  again  for  the  accom 
modation  of  his  neighbor.  Thus  we  see  their  honesty 
exhibited  and  adhered  to  in  every  instance  of  their 
pursuits. 

In  the  foregoing  brief  account,  we  may  see  in 
some  degree  the  forlorn  condition  of  these  people. 
No  comfortable  homes,  or  shelters  for  their  families 
to  repose  in.  No  knowledge  how  to  raise  provisions 
from  the  ground,  or  manufacture  clothing,  but  ever 
dependant  on  the  wilderness  and  chase,  for  support 
ing  their  families ;  and  only  to  follow  these  poor 
creatures  into  the  dark  recesses  of  the  woods  through 
a  dreary,  cold,  and  icy  winter*  in  that  cold  climate 
in  the  northern  part  of  Ohio,  where  the  snow  lies  on 
the  ground  nearly  all  winter.  What  do  we  behold, 
but  the  roaring  wind  among  the  tall  trees'  ice-clad 
tops  in  the  lonely  forest ;  the  pitiless  howling  of  the 
ravenous  wolf,  or  the  frightful  scream  of  the  panther — 
all  crying  in  their  peculiar  way,  for  food,  shiver 
ing  with  cold,  and  almost  famished  for  sustenance, 


162  HISTORY    OX    THE 

standing  ready  to  devour  whatsoever  may  come  within 
their  savage  grasp.  But  alas  !  what  else  may  be 
heard  amid  this  wild  and  fearful  tumult  of  animals 
and  elements?  Right  there,  in  the  midst  of  this 
scene,  beneath  a  few  slender  poles  and  skins  in  that 
little  hovel  on  the  cold  frozen  earth,  when  these 
ferocious  beasts  of  prey  cease  a  moment  for  breath, 
may  be  heard  the  weak  and  pitiful  cry  of  the  poor, 
little,  cold,  affrighted  babe,  clinging  to  its  mother  for 
food,  and  protection  from  the  devourer,  who  is  at 
the  very  threshold  of  its  poor  habitation  ready  to 
destroy  it  in  a  moment,  and  no  doubt  would  in  many 
cases,  only  for  the  tender  care  of  that  gracious 
Being,  who  long  before,  stopped  the  mouths  of  lions  ; 
who,  although  He  had  provided  food  for  them,  still 
these  poor  little  beings  were  created  for  higher  and 
nobler  purposes  than  these. 

In  addition  to  all  the  other  circumstances  connected 
with  the  condition  of  the  Shawnees,  in  order  to  ren 
der  them  objects  of  commiseration,  was  their  super 
stitious  notion  about  witchcraft.  They  were  as  firm 
believers  in  that  ancient  and  delusive  notion,  as  ever 
the  colonists  of  New  England  were,  and  put  many 
of  their  people  to  the  most  cruel  deaths  on  that  ac 
count  ;  and  it  was  with  great  labor  and  anxious  care 
and  pains  of  our  friends  who  first  resided  among 
them,  that  they  gave  this  up. 


SHAWNEE    INDIANS.  153 


CHAPTER  XXIV. 


IN  the  year  1809,  Governor  Harrison  purchased 
from  the  Delawares,  Mi  amis,  and  Pottawatomies,  a 
large  tract  of  land  on  both  sides  of  the  Wabash 
river,  and  extending  up  the  said  river  about  sixty 
miles  above  Vincennes.  Tecumseh  was  absent  at 
the  time,  and  his  brother,  the  Prophet,  made  no  ob 
jections  to  the  treaty,  but  when  Tecumseh  returned, 
he  manifested  great  dissatisfaction,  and  threatened 
some  of  the  chiefs  with  death,  who  had  made  this 
treaty.  Harrison  hearing  of  his  dissatisfaction,  sent 
an  invitation  to  him  to  repair  to  Vincennes  to  see 
him,  and  assured  him,  that  any  claims  he  might  have 
to  the  lands  ceded  by  that  treaty,  were  not  affected 
by  the  treaty  at  all — that  he  might  come  on  and  pre 
sent  his  claims,  and  if  they  were  found  to  be  valid, 
the  lands  would  be  given  up,  or  an  ample  compensa 
tion  made  for  it. 

Accordingly,  on  the  12th  of  August,  Tecumseh 
arrived  at  Vincennes,  accompanied  by  a  large  number 
of  his  warriors.  When  the  council  convened,  Te 
cumseh  arose  and  said,  "  Brothers,  I  have  made  my 
self  what  I  am  ;  I  would  that  I  could  make  the  red 
people  as  great  as  the  conceptions  of  my  own  mind 


154  HISTORY    OF    THIi 

m 

When  I  think  of  the  Great  Spirit  that  rules  over  all, 
1  would  not  tVen  come  to  Governor  Harrison,  to  beg 
of  him  to  tear  this  treaty  in  pieces,  but  I  would  say 
to  him,  brothers,  you  have  liberty  to  return  to  your 
own  country.  Once,  there  was  not  a  white  man  in 
all  this  country.  Then,  it  all  belonged  to  the  red- 
men  ;  children  of  the  same  parents — placed  on  it  by 
the  Great  Spirit,  to  keep  it,  to  travel  over  it,  to  eat 
its  fruits,  and  fill  it  with  the  same  race.  Once  a 
happy  people,  but  now  made  miserabje  by  the  white 
people,  who  are  never  satisfied,  but  always  encroach 
ing  on  our  land.  They  have  driven  us  from  the 
great  salt  water,  forced  us  over  the  mountains,  and 
would  shortly  push  us  into  the  lakes,  but  we  are  de 
termined  to  go  no  further.  The  only  way  to  stop 
this  evil,  is  for  all  the  red-men  to  unite  in  claiming  a 
common  right  in  the  soil,  as  it  was  at  first,  and  should 
be  now,  for  it  never  was  divided,  but  belonged  to  all. 
No  one  tribe  has  a  right  to  sell  even  to  each  other, 
much  less  to  strangers,  who  demand  all,  and  will 
take  no  less. 

"  The  white  people  have  no  right  t6  take  the  land 
from  the  Indians  who  had  it  first — it  is  ours — it  be 
longs  to  us.  We  may  sell,  but  all  must  agree ;  any 
sale  made  by  a  part  is  not  good.  The  last  sale  is 
bad.  It  was  made  by  a  part  only  ;  a  part  do  not 
know  how  to  sell ;  it  requires  all  to  make  a  bargain 
for  all;  a  part  cannot  do  it." 

Harrison  in  reply,  declared  to  Tecumseh,  that  he 
and  his  band  had  no  right  to  interfere  or  say  one 
word  in  this  matter,  as  he  said  the  Shawnees  had 


SHAWNEE    INDIANS.  165 

been  driven  from  Georgia  by  the  Creek  Indians,  and 
therefore,  had  no  claim  to  land  in  this  country.  This 
exasperated  the  chief,  and  he  pronounced  the  declar 
ation  of  Harrison,  a  falsehood.  Harrison  told  him 
he  was  a  bad  man,  and  for  some  time  it  was  appre 
hended  that  a  serious  conflict  would  ensue.  Harrison 
ordered  Tecumseh  from  the  house  immediately,  which 
order  was  obeyed. 

However,  the  council  was  resumed  the  next  day. 
On  again  assembling  in  the  morning,  the  Indians 
were  invited  by  the  governor  into  the  house,  where 
seats  were  provided  for  the  governor,  his  attendants, 
and  the  Indian  chiefs. 

Tecumseh  declined  going  into  the  house,  but  pro 
posed  that  the  council  be  held  outside,  under  the  shade 
of  some  trees  near-by,  to  which,  Harrison  objected, 
telling  him,  that  it  would  be  troublesome  to  remove 
the  seats  from  the  house.  Tecumseh  replied,  "that  it 
would  be  unnecessary  to  remove  more  than  what 
would  accommodate  the  white  people ;  that,  as  for 
him  and  his  friends,  they  would  sit  on  the  ground ; 
that  red-men  were  accustomed  to  sitting  on  the 
ground  ;  that  the  earth  was  their  mother,  and  they 
loved  to  recline  on  her  bosom." 

Nothing  was  effected  at  that  council,  but  on  the 
next  day,  the  parties  again  met,  but  nothing  like  a 
reconciliation  was  effected.  Harrison  informed  Te 
cumseh,  before  they  separated,  that  he  would  lay  the 
case  before  the  President  of  the  linked  States,  and 
await  his  decision  on  the  subject.  Tecumseh  replied, 
"  Well,  as  the  great  chief  is  to  decide  the  matter,  I 


1 56  HISTORY    OF    THE 

hope  the  Great  Spirit  will  put  sense  enough  in  his 
head  to  cause  him  to  order  you  to  give  up  those 
lands.  It  is  true,  that  he  may  sit  in  his  fine  house 
and  drink  his  wine,  while  you  and  I  shall  have  to 
fight  it  out." 

As  this  great  chief  was  so  earnest  in  his  preten 
sions  to  a  right  in  the  soil  thus  sold  in  his  absence, 
it  seems,  in  justice,  that  his  claim  ought  to  have  been 
allowed ;  any  one  may  plainly  see,  that  his  denial  of 
a  participation  in  that  land,  in  common  with  other 
tribes,  was  what  was  the  cause  of  his  joining  himself 
and  his  influence  on  the  side  of  the  enemies  of  our 
country,  in  the  bloody  war  which  ensued,  in  which 
many  unoffending  people  had  to  suffer. 

Certainly  Tecumseh  and  his  party  had  as  good  a 
right  to  the  treaty  Harrison  held  with  the  Indians  at 
Vincennes,  for  the  purchase  of  the  land  where  they 
lived,  as  Blue  Jacket  had,  in  that  held  at  Greenville  ; 
and  by  the  minutes  of  that  treaty,  it  appears  that  he, 
although  a  war-chief,  who  had  taken  an  active  part  in 
the  war  against  the  Americans,  had  been  allowed  by 
Gen.  Wayne,  to  occupy  a  very  conspicuous  part  in  the 
deliberation  of  that  treaty,  and  even  before  opening 
the  council  he  waited  several  days  for  the  arrival  of 
the  Shawnee  chiefs;  and  in  Jewit's  treaty  of  1805, 
and  Hull's  of  1808,  the  Shawnees  were  recognized 
as  owners,  in  common  with  other  tribes,  and  their 
consent  asked  for  and  obtained  in  the  transfer  of  the 
lands  ceded  in  those  treaties,  and  they  in  the  same 
situation,  in  reference  to  those  lands,  that  Tecumseh 
and  his  people  were  in,  in  the  case  of  these  Wabash 


SHAWNEE    INDIANS.  157 

lands,  and  if  they  had  a  right,  Tecumseh  must  have 
had  the  same  right,  which,  one  would  conclude,  if 
any  of  the  Indians  had  any  rights  at  all,  it  was  to 
decide  among  themselves  who  had  a  right  and  who 
had  not.  If  the  government  intended  to  pay  a  stated 
sum  for  that  land,  it  mattered  nothing  to  whom  it 
was  paid,  that  did,  of  course,  belong  to  the  party  who 
was  to  receive  the  pay  ;  and  in  that  light,  no  doubt, 
Wayne  and  the  other  commissioners  viewed  it,  and 
Tecumseh,  had  he  been  treated  in  the  same  way, 
might  have  lived  in  peace  and  died  a  natural  death  ; 
but  he  was  ambitious,  and  ambition  ruined  him. 


158  HISTORY    OF    THE 


CHAPTER  XXV. 


AT  a  council  held  at  Greenville  in  1812,  at  which 
were  the  Wyandots,  Senecas,  Delawares,  and  several 
other  tribes,  these  Indians  were  made  acquainted 
with  the  nature  of  the  controversy  between  the 
United  States  and  England,  and  urged  to  join  the 
United  States  in  the  contest.  The  reply  of  some  of 
the  chiefs  is  inserted  here,  as  taken  down  by  the 
commissioners  at  the  time,  which  will  show  their 
aversion  to  joining  in  the  conflict.  The  commissioners 
charged  that  the  Indians  had  violated  the  treaty  of 
1809,  and  informed  them  that  they  had  a  right  then 
to  speak  for  themselves  on  the  subject  of  this  charge. 
To  which  Captain  Charley,  an  Eel  river  Miami  Chief, 
replied  as  follows : 

"  Listen,  Bigknife,  my  Father:  —  You  have  re 
quested  to  hear  us,  and  you  shall  now  hear.  I  want 
you  to  listen  attentively  and  let  n&ne  go  away  until 
all  have  heard  what  I  have  to  say.  You  have  told 
the  truth  in  all  you  have  said.  When  I  heard  you 
at  Fort  Wayne  you  then  said  a  great  deal  which  was 
for  the  benefit  of  the  Indians.  Again,  father,  when 
you  were  going  on  to  Tippecanoc,  for  fear  any  inter- 


KHAWNEE    INDIANS.  159 

ruption  should  take  place,  I  thought  I  would  go  and 
meet  you  there,  in  order  to  prevent  any  quarrel  or 
misunderstanding.  You  then  sent  us  on  ahead  of  the 
army  to  the  red  brethren  at  Tippecanoe,  and  told  us 
to  return  with  an  answer.  I  went  to  Tippecanoe,  as 
you  directed  me,  and  left  that  place  to  return  you  an 
answer,  accompanied  by  two  Pottawatomies,  one  Mi 
ami,  and  one  Delaware  chief.  I  did  not  sec  you, 
because  you  had  crossed  the  Wabash  river,  and  taken 
another  road  from  that  which  I  expected,  and  we  did 
not  overtake  you  until  the  night  of  the  battle  at  that 
place. 

"  We  got  near  you  before  the  battle  began,  but 
finding  the  battle  had  begun  we  scattered.  Our  not 
writing  to  you  before  the  battle,  father,  was  the  cause 
of  the  confusion  which  followed  ;  we  then  concluded 
that  the  Great  Spirit  had  given  us  up,  and  we  all  scat 
tered.  As  you  mentioned  these  things  I  thought 
best  to  mention  them  too,  and  repeat  the  circumstance 
which  happened ;  but  we  will  now  talk  of  other 
matters. 

"  Father,  at  Fort  Wayne,  where  I  again  heard  you 
speak,  when  our  grandfathers,  the  Delawares,  were 
there,  our  brothers,  the  Shawnees  and  Pottawatomies, 
together  with  the  Miamis,  were  invited  to  take  a  seat 
with  you ;  it  was  at  Fort  Wayne  where  I  heard  you 
point  out  the  lands  where  our  younger  brothers,  the 
Weas,  were  settled,  saying  you  wished  to  purchase 
those  lands.  I  again  consulted  my  grandfathers, 
the  Delawares,  who  answered  that  whatever  their 


160  HISTORY    OF    THE 

grandfathers,  the  Pottawatomies,  agreed  to,  they  would 
acquiesce  in.  When  you  spoke,  at  that  treaty,  of  the 
lands  you  wanted,  we  told  you  that  these  lands  be 
longed  to  our  younger  brothers,  the  Weas,  and  to 
consult  them,  and  if  they  were  willing  to  sell  it,  that 
we  would  agree  to  the  sale." 


6HAWNEE    INDIANS.  16  i 


CHAPTER  XXVI. 


IN  a  treaty  at  St.  Louis  in  1815,  between  William 
Clark,  Ninean  Edwards,  Augustus  Chouteau,  and 
several  tribes  of  Indians,  (among  which  were  ihr 
Shawnees  arid  Dela wares,)  concerning  which  the 
commissioners  say  :  "  The  Shawnees  and  Delawares 
of  this  territory  made  known  to  us  at  Portage-des- 
soux,  certain  grievances  of  which  they  complain  in 
talks  delivered  by  two  of  their  principal  chiefs,  which, 
at  their  request,  we  have  the  honor  to  transmit  here 
with  for  the  information  of  the  President.  Speech  of 
the  Shawnees  and  Delawares  on  the  occasion. 

"Brothers,  it  is  thirty  years  since  we  came  to 
this  country.  When  we  arrived  among  the  Spaniards 
to  look  for  a  suitable  piece  of  land  to  settle  ourselves 
on,  after  we  found  a  place  which  we  liked,  we  in 
formed  the  Spanish  officer  of  it,  and  that  we  intended 
to  settle  ourselves  there.  After  we  were  settled  the 
commanding  officer  told  us  to  remain  at  peace,  hunt 
quietly,  not  to  steal  horses,  nor  go  to  war  with  any 
other  nation.  The  Spanish  commander  told  us  that 
we  might  occupy  the  space  of  land  between  St.  Comb 
and  the  first  creek  above  Cape  Girardeau.  This  is 
what  the  Spaniards  told  us.  Afterward  the  Spaniaids 
11 


162  HISTORY    OF    THE 

went  away,  and  the  Americans  took  possession  of  the 
country.  Soon  after  we  went  to  visit  the  American 
commander,  who  gave  us  the  same  kind  of  recom 
mendation,  and  gave  us  the  same  advice  we  had  re 
ceived  from  the  Spaniards,  that  we  should  experience 
no  difference,  and  that  we  should  be  as  happy  with 
them  as  we  had  been  with  the  Spaniards.  We  were 
very  much  pleased.  After  the  council  we  held  with 
the  Americans  we  returned  home,  and  told  our  young 
men  and  warriors  that  the  speech  was  just  the  same 
as  we  understood  from  the  Spaniards.  Governor 
Clark,  our  father,  since  these  three  or  four  years  we 
are  very  much  crowded  by  the  white  people,  who 
steal  our  horses  and  many  other  things  ;  but  it  has 
not  made  us  angry,  hoping  that  the  American  gov 
ernment  will  do  us  justice  and  take  pity  on  our  situ 
ation. 

''Now  that  the  commissioners  are  assembled  to 
settle  all  matters  of  difficulty  with  the  Indian  tribes, 
we  take  this  opportunity  to  lay  under  your  considera 
tion  our  present  situation,  and  hope  you  will  do  all  in 
your  power  to  see  us  righted. 

"  My  father,  when  the  Spaniards  told  us  to  choose 
a  piece  of  land,  and  when  we  made  choice  of  it,  we 
obtained  from  them  a  grant,  which  has  been  since 
recorded  by  the  board  of  commissioners,  and  we  un 
derstand  that  all  the  commissioners  granted  to  the 
white  people  by  the  Spaniards,  were  good.  We  live 
among  the  white  people,  and  our  behavior  has  been 
such  that  no  honest  white  man  can  have  any  cause  to 
find  fault  with  us  ;  and  we  are  certain  they  never  will 


6HAWNEK    INDIANS.  103 

have  any  cause  to  complain  hereafter.  We  have 
always  conducted  ourselves  honestly  and  intend  to 
continue  so. 

"Early  in  the  spring,  on  my  return  from  hunting, 
I  found  my  house  had  been  broken  open,  and  what 
I  had  left  in  it  all  gone.  Tthen  took  the  resolution  of 
moving  to  another  place  on  the  Castor  river,  to  set 
tle  myself,  provided  my  father,  Governor  Clark, 
would  be  pleased  with  my  doing  so.  He  recom 
mended  to  us  to  raise  stock,  and  to  cultivate  our  land 
with  industry.  His  advice  we  have  followed,  and  we 
wish  to  remove  to  the  new  settlement,  if  we  can  be 
permitted  so  to  do,  and  we  do  not  care  anything  more 
for  our  old  town;  but  again,  lately,  we  have  been 
encroached  upon  by  a  bad  white  man,  formerly  by 
the  name  of  Jenkins,  who,  we  hope,  you  will  remove 
from  this  country,  if  we  are  permitted  to  remain 
in  it." 

In  twenty-two  days  from  the  date  of  the  above 
communication  orders  were  sent  by  the  President, 
to  remove  all  persons  who  had  intruded  upon  the 
Shawnees  and  Delawares'  land  as  soon  as  possible. 


HISTORY    OF    THE 


CHAPTER    XXVII. 


How  the  Shawnees  came  to  locate  themselves  at 
Wapaug-hkonnetta,  or  the  precise  time  they  made 
their  first  settlement  there,  I  am  not  able  to  say,  but 
probably  it  was  only  by  the  indulgence  of  some  other 
tribe  that  they  got  to  settle  there  in  the  first  place,  as, 
from  the  accounts  of  the  various  treaties  in  which 
they  had  been  parties,  they  had  been  disinherited 
altogether,  as  far  as  related  to  the  ownership  of  land 
anywhere;  but  the  band,  who  had  participated  in  the 
wars  with  Kentucky,  had  their  villages  at  Piqua,  on 
the  Miami,  and  probably  they  were  driven  from 
there  to  Wapaughkonnetta,  which  is  not  very  far  dis 
tant,,  where  they  established  the  village  of  that  name 
on  the  Auglaize  river.  This  village,  I  have  learned, 
derived  its  name  from  an  ancient  and  distinguished 
woman  of  that  name,  and  that  it  is  a  Shawnee 
word. 

The  first  clear  title,  which  had  any  feature  of  a 
land  title  in  it,  which  this  tribe  ever  got  from  govern 
ment  for  land,  was  in  1817.  In  a  treaty  held  at  the 
foot  of  the  rapids  of  the  Miami  of  Lake  Erie,  in  that 
year,  by  Lewis  Cass  and  Duncan  Me  Arthur,  com 
missioners  on  the  part  of  the  United  States,  and 


tiHAWNEE    INDIANS. 


165 


several  tribes  of  Indians,  of  which  the  Shawnees  was 
one  ;  in  this  treaty  no  provision  whatever  was  made 
for  the  band  who  had  resided  on  the  AY  abash  river, 
who  composed  Tecumseh's  band,  as  in  the  schedule 
of  names  appended  to  that  treaty  who  were  to  receive 
a  grant  for  land  at  Wapaughkonnetta,  none  of  this 
band  is  included. 

This  treaty  is  a  novelty,  in  comparison  to  most  of 
the  Indian  treaties  of  modern  times,  as  it  sets  out  in 
an  entirely  different  strain  altogether."  We  have  seen 
in  what  language  other  treaties  set  out,  but  in  this 
the  commissioners  say,  "That  in  consideration  of  the 
faithful  services  of  the  Shawnees  in  the  late  war  with 
England,  and  for  divers  other  considerations,  the 
government  of  the  United  States  settle  on  the  Shaw 
nees  an  annuity  of  two  thousand  dollars  annually, 
forever,  to  be  paid  to  them  at  Wapaughkonnetta. 

"  The  United  States  also  Rgree  to  grant  by  patent, 
in  fee-simple,  to  Blackhoof  and  other  chiefs  of  the 
Shawnee  tribe,  for  the  use  of  the  persons  mentioned 
in  the  annexed  schedule,  a  tract  of  land,  ten  miles 
square,  the  center  of  which  shall  be  the  council -house 
at  Wapaughkonnetta. 

"  The  United  States  also  agree  to  grant,  in  fee- 
simple,  to  Piachtha  and  other  chiefs  of  the  Shawnee 
tribe  residing  on  Hog  Creek,  for  the  use  of  the  tribe 
there,  to  the  persons  mentioned  in  the  annexed  sche 
dule,  a  •  tract  containing  twenty-five  square  miles, 
which  is  to  join  the  tract  granted  at  Wapaughkon 
netta,  and  to  be  laid  off  in  a  square  form." 

The  same  treaty  secures  to  Qua-ta-wapee  (Captaia 


166  HISTORY    OF    IllK 


Lewis)   and    other    Shawnees,   of  Lewistown,   forty 
square  miles. 

It  may  be  interesting  to  many  persons,  and  parti 
cularly   so   to   young   persons,    to    have    the    entire 
schedule  of  names  inserted  here.     The  names  were 
probably  written  by  Gen.   Cass  or  the  agent,  John 
Johnston,  either  of  whom  well  understood  the  Indian 
orthography,  -and  there  may  be  found   the  names  of 
great  men,  among  whom,  and  the  most  prominent  in 
council  and  as  speakers,  were  Blackhoof  and  Wav- 
weleapy,  and  the  leader  in  the  agricultural  arts  was 
Peaitchtha.    Several  others  on  this  list  were  men  of 
strong   minds    and   remarkable    for  honest,   upright 
integrity;  but  now,  in  1855,  when  copying  off  these 
names,  I  have  to  reflect  with  sorrow  that  all  those  I 
have  already  named  are  dead. 

SCHEDULE.— "The  tracts  at  Wapaughkonnetta  and 
Hog  Creek  are  to  be  equally  divided  among  the  fol 
lowing    persons,    namely :     Blackhoof,     Pamthe    or 
Walker,    Peaseca    or   Wolf,    Shemanita    or   Snake, 
Athelwakesecah    or    Yellow  Clouds,  Pemthewtew  or 
Perry,  Cacalawa  or  End  of  the  Tail,  Quelawee,  War 
Chief,  Sacachewa,  Werewcla,  Wasawetah  or  Brio-ht- 
horn,  Otharasa  or  Yellow,  Tepetcseca,  Xewahetucca, 
Ca-awaricho,   Thacatchewa,   Silochaheca,    Tapea   or 
Sanders,  Mesherawah,  Toleapea,  Pochecaw,  Alawe- 
metahuck  Lollaway  or  John  Perry,  Wawelame,  Ne- 
mecishe,  Nerupeneshequah  or  Cornstalk,  Shi  She, 
Shealawhe,  Naruskaka,  Thacaska  or  David  McNair, 
Shapukoha,  Quacowawnee,  Necoshecu,  Tlmcuscu  or 
Jim  Bluejacket,  Chowelaseca,  Quhaho,  Kayketchheka 


EHAWNKE    INDIANS.  167 

or  William  Perry,  Sewapeu,  Peetah  or  Davy  Ba 
ker,  Skapoawah  or  George  McDougal,  Chepocuru, 
Sherna  or  Sam,  Cheahaska  or  Captain  Tommy,  Gene 
ral  Wayne,  Thaway,  Othawee,  Wearecah,  Captain 
Heed,  Lawaytucheh  or  John  Wolf,  Tecutie  or  George, 
Skekacurnpskekaw,  Wishema\v,  Muywaymanotreka, 
Quaskee,  Tlioswa,  Baptiste,  Maywealiupe  Perea 
Cumme,  Chochkelake  or  Dam,  Kevvapea,  Egatacum- 
shequa,  Walupe,  Aquashequah,  Pemata,  Nepaho, 
Tapesheka,  Lathowaynoma,  Sawacota  or  Yellow 
Clouds,  Memhisheka,  Ashelukah,  Ohipwah,  Thapae- 
ca,  Chucatuh,  Nekakeka,  Thithueculu,  Pelaculhe, 
Pelaske,  Shesholou,  Quanako,  Halkoota,  Laughshe- 
na,  Oapawah,  Ethewacase,  Quahethu,  Capia,  Thuca- 
tvouwah  or  The  Man  going  up  Hill,  Magathu, 
Tecumtequa,  Tetecopatha,  Kekusthe,  Sheaiwah, 
Shealewarron,  Haghkela,  Akapee  or  Heap  up  any 
thing,  Lamatothe,  Kesha,  Panhoar  Peaitchthamtah, 
Pvter  Cornstalk,  Metchepeta,  Capea,  Shuagunme, 
Wawalepeshecco,  Calequa,  Tetotu,  Tashishee,  Nawe- 
besheco  or  White  Feather,  Sheperkiscoshe,  Notekah, 
Shemakih,  Pesheto,Theatsheta,  Milhametche,  Chacoa, 
Lawathska,  Pachetah,  Awaybariskecaw,  Hatocumo, 
Thomasheshawkah,  Pepacoshe,  Oshashe,  Quelaoshu, 
Mewithaquiu,  Aguepeli,  Quellime." 

The  schedule  of  the  Hog  Creek  band  now  follows, 
who  are  each  to  have  an  equal  part  of  the  reserve 
there  :  •  Peartchtha,  Onawaskine,  Pamathawah  or 
George  Williams,  Wape.vkeka,  Lethew,  Pahawcsu, 
Shinagawmashe,  JSTequakabuchka,  Peliska,  Ketuche- 
pa,  Lawetcheto,  Epaunnee,  Kanakhih,  Jose  or  Joseph 


168  HISTOKY    OF    THIS 

Parks,  Lawnoetuclm  or  Billy  Parks,  Shawnaha, 
Waymatalhaway,  Ketoawsa,  Sheshecopea,  Locuseh, 
Quedaska. 

The  above  contains  the  names  of  all  the  males  be 
longing  to  the  Shawnees  who  resided  at  Wapaughkon- 
netta  and  Hog  Creek,  over  the  age  of  twenty -one 
years,  in  1817 — of  which  one  hundred  and  twenty- 
six  belonged  to  the  Wapaughkonnetta  band,  and 
twenty-one  to  that  of  Hog  Creek. 

In  these  tracts  of  land  there  were  allowed  for  each 
male  person  of  the  Wapaughkonnetta  band,  about 
five  hundred  and  nine  acres  each,  and  those  of  Hog 
Creek,  about,  or  nearly,  one  thousand  acres  each  ; 
but  it  is  a  remarkable  fact,  and  ought  to  be  to  the 
credit  of  this  people,  that  when  the  pay  for  their  land 
was  at  last  received — it  being  in  the  year  1853  that 
the  last  payment  was  made  —  those  of  Hog  Creek 
made  no  claim  only  to  an  equal  part  with  the  others, 
in  accordance  with  their  numbers.  I  doubt  such  a 
result  by  the  white  people,  under  like  circumstances. 
In  this  is  exhibited  the  Indian  character  in  such 
matters. 


8HAWXKK    INDIANS.  169 


CHAPTER   XXVIII. 


ALTHOUGH  the  account  contained  in  the  following 
narrative  is  fully  substantiated  by  the  writer's  own 
character,  where  he  is  known,  as  he  is  a  man  of 
truth  at  all  times,  and  altogether  incapable  of  utter 
ing  one  word  but  the  truth ;  and  by  John  Johnston's 
certificate  appended  thereto,  as  he  is  one  of  the  best 
of  men,  I  have  myself,  heard  the  blacksmith  and 
his  son,  who  are  alluded  to,  relate  the  whole  circum 
stance,  very  nearly  as  the  writer  has  in  his  narrative. 

NARRATIVE. 

In  the  autumn  of  1819,  a  member  of  the  Society 
of  Friends,  removed  with  a  part  of  his  family,  as 
superintendent  of  the  mills,  etc.  erected  for  the  ben 
efit  of  the  Shawnees  at  Wapaughkonnetta,  in  the 
State  of  Ohio.  Before  this  time,  however,  he  had 
visited  the  place  several  times,  and  had  been  sent 
there  by  the  committee  having  charge  of  the  Indians, 
to  take  those  mills  off  the  hands  of  the  contractors, 
so  that  he  had  become  well  known  to  a  number  of  the 
chiefs,  and  others  of  the  Shawnee  nation,  as  well  as 
to  become  acquainted  with  his  valued  friend,  John 
Johnston,  then  agent  for  the  Indians  in  the  north 
west. 


170  HISTORY    OF    THE 

It  was,  I  believe,  in  the  following  spring,  that  one 
of  those  Indians,  whom  the  Friend  believed  to  be  a 
sober,  well-inclined  man,  became  very  much  en 
feebled  and  debilitated  with,  what  he  believed  to  be, 
"pulmonary  consumption."  He  often  visited  him; 
•etej  he  was  confined  to  his  house,  for  the  purpose 
of  administering  medicine,  or  taking  him  nourish 
ment.  On  going  to  his  house,  on  one  of  these  occa 
sions,  he  found  the  door  shut  and  fastened,  so  that 
he  could  not  enter  ;  but,  after  a  time,  it  was  opened, 
and  on  going  in,  he  found  the  sick  man  lying  on  his 
face,  his  back  bare,  and  body  cut  in  several  places  ; 
he  had  bled  much,  and  was  nearly  exhausted. 

There  was  with  him  in  the  house  a  noted  Indian, 
whose  name  I  do  not  now  remember,  but  the  Friend 
knew  personally.  The  Indian  called  him  their  Pro 
phet,  and  he  claimed  to  be,  twin  brother  to  the  cele 
brated  chief,  Tecumseh.  The  Friend  then  quietly 
inquired  the  reason  of  such  a  course  of  treatment 
toward  the  sick  man,  and  was  informed  by  the  pro 
phet,  that  the  man  was  bewitched,  and  that  he  had 
made  these  incisions  for  extracting  the  combustible 
matter,  which  the  witch  had  thrown  into  him.  On 
hearing  this  assertion,  the  Friend  told  him  that  there 
was  no  such  thing  as  witch,  or  witchcraft,  and  that 
he  had  wounded  the  poor  man  sorely,  and  bade  him 
begone.  He  commenced  dressing  the  wounds,  and 
in  a  short  time  the  prophet  returned,  apparently 
much  provoked.  Late  on  the  night  following,  the 
Friend  was  aroused  by  some  one  at  his  door  wishing 
to  get  in,  and  at  the  same  time,  exclaiming  in  broken 


BHAWNBE    INDIANS. 

English,  "  They  kill-ee  me;  they  kill-ee  me  !' 
Friend,  on  opening  the  door,  found  the  applicant  to  be 
an  Indian  woman  with  her  little  daughter,  some  ten 
years  old.  On  going  with  her  to  the  United  States 
interpreter,  who  lived  near,  she  told  him  that  a  little 
messenger  had  come  to  her  house  and  informed  her 
privately  that  the  chiefs  were  then  in  council,  and 
that  she  was  certainly  condemned  to  die,  on  a  charge 
of  having  bewitched  the  sick  man  before-mentioned, 
and  she  had  come  to  the  "Qua-kee-lce"  (Quaker,) 
for  protection. 

The  Friend  not  having  full  confidence  in  their  in 
terpreter,  only  remarked  to  the  woman,  "  that  if  he 
attempted  to  protect  her  on   such   an   occasion,  he 
thought  it  would  be  at  the  risk  not  only  of  his  own 
life,  °but   also   that   of  his  family."     He,  however, 
quickly  procured  another  interpreter,  the  son  of  the 
United  States  blacksmith,  a  person  in  whom  he  could 
rely  on  such  an  occasion ;  and  having  another  inter 
view  with  the  woman,  she  gave  them  the  same  rela 
tion  in  regard  to  her  situation,  and  promised  very 
cheerfully,  that  if  the  "Qua-kee-lee"  would  undertake 
to  protect  her,  she  would  obey  in  all  thing*  of  which 
they  could  give  her  an  understanding.     During  this 
short  interval,   the  Friend  had   matured  a  plan  of 
operation,  which  he  disclosed,  as  follows  :     That  if 
they  could  keep  the  woman  and  her  child  concealed 
through  the  coming  day,  and  he  could  procure  the 
necessary   reliable    assistance,   he  would    send  them 
direct  to  his  old  neighborhood,  more  than  one  hun 
dred   miles  distant.     To  this  proposition,    the  poor 


172  HISTORY    OK    XHK 

woman  readily  consented,  fully  believing,  that  if  she 
should  be  found,  she  would  be  executed  ;  and  the 
blacksmith  promptly  entering  into  his  views,  cheer 
fully  proffered  all  the  assistance  in  his  power. 

The  subject  of  keeping  her  and  her  little  daughter 
sufficiently  concealed  through  the  coming  day,  was 
now  a  question  of  the  deepest  interest  to  all  present 
or  concerned  in  the  matter,  and  as  the  morn  now 
drew  near,  it  was  necessary  that  this  should  be 
attended  to  quickly.  They  were  therefore  taken  to 
the  upper  chamber  of  the  dwelling,  (which  was  one- 
and-a-half  story  high,)  and  placed  between  two  beds 
on  the  bedstead,  and  the  covering  carefully  spread,  as 
though  nothing  was  there  more  than  the  lone  bed. 
There  they  were  to  remain,  and  actually  did,  through 
the  following  day.  A  small  dog,  which  had  during 
the  night  kept  close  to  her  side,  and  which  the  Friend 
believed,  if  discovered  by  the  Indians,  would  betray 
them,  was  immediately  dispatched  by  his  own  hands. 
I  believe,  before  the  middle  of  the  day  the  mills,  the 
stables,  meat-house,  dwelling,  and  even  the  chamber 
where  the  poor  woman  lay  concealed,  were  each 
carefully  searched  by  Indians,  who  doubtless  had 
been  sent  by  the  chiefs  for  that  purpose. 

Toward  the  middle  of  the  day — and  to  that  fam 
ily  especially,  one  of  deep  anxiety — came  the  chief, 
We-as-se-cah,  (Capt.  Wolf,)  a  noble-spirited  man, 
and  in  many  respects,  an  ornament  to  his  nation,  and 
informed  the  superintendent  privately,  of  what  had 
recently  taken  place  among  them,  as  though  he  did 
not  at  all  suspect  that  his  friend  knew  anything  about 


SHAWNEE    INDIANS.  173 

it.  The  Friend  gladly  embraced  the  opportunity  of 
unfolding  his  mind  to  this  chief,  on  the  subject  of 
witches  and  witchcraft,  and  simplifying  his  language 
to  the  understanding  of  the  man,  lie  earnestly  ex 
postulated  with  him  on  the  cruelty  and  inhumanity  of 
their  practice  of  frequently  putting  their  subjects  to 
death,  on  a  bare  charge  of  this  kind.  We-as-se-cah 
left  him  apparently  somewhat  confused  or  disturbed, 
to  find  that  he  and  his  friend  should  entertain  such 
conflicting  views,  on  what  before,  had  seemed  to  him 
so  important  a  matter.  About  an  hour  after  this 
interview,  he  returned,  and  in  private,  expressed  a 
strong  conviction  that  the  Friend  knew  more  of  the 
facts  in  the  case  than  he  before  was  aware  of,  and 
questioned  him  so  closely  relative  to  the  woman,  that 
he  doubtless  manifested  symptoms  of  fear  of  being 
detected,  and  a  willingness  to  wave  the  subject ;  on 
seeing  which,  the  chief  voluntarily  told  him  that  he 
need  not  be  afraid  to  tell  him  all  he  knew  about  it, 
and  labored  to  assure  him,  that  so  far  from  betraying 
him,  he  would  protect  him  to  the  utmost  of  his 
ability.  As  the  Friend  had  long  reposed  much  con 
fidence  in  this  chief,  he  now  felt  the  conviction  very 
forcibly,  that  if  he  could  only  so  work  upon  his  feel 
ings  as  to  secure  his  influence  and  assistance,  that 
this  very  trying  affair  might  be  brought  to  a  peace 
able  and  satisfactory  conclusion  ;  though,  under  all 
the  circumstances  of  the  case,  it  seemed  like  '  -hoping 
against  hope."  He,  however,  ventured  to  say  to 
We-as-se-cah,  that  he  believed  the  woman  whom 
they  had  just  condemned  to  die,  and  for  whom,  the 


174  HISTOBY    OF    TBS 

Indians  had  been  making  diligent  search,  was  out  of 
their  reach,  and  that  he  thought  they  never  would 
see  her  face  again,  unless  they  altogether  abandoned 
the  idea  of  executing  her;  and,  further,  that  he  had 
thought  as  soon  as  he  could  bring  it  about,  he  would 
take  his  family  and  go  home,  and  abandon  the  mis 
sion  entirely. 

At  this  rather  unlooked-for  disclosure,  the  chief 
manifested  some  surprise,  and  was  for  a  time, 
much  absorbed  in  thought;  but  recovering  himself 
a  little,  he.  told  the  Friend  that  the  chiefs  were  then 
in  session  at  the  council-house,  and  proposed,  that  if 
he  would  accompany  him  there,  and  then  promise 
the  chiefs  that  he  would  be  answerable  for  the  wo 
man,  he  believed  that  he  would  influence  them  to 
agree  that  she  should  not  be  put  to  death.  This  was 
just  what  the  Friend  desired,  but  to  accomplish  it  he 
believed,  would  prove  the  trial  of  his  faith.  On 
making  his  prospects  known  to  his  family,  some  of 
whom  manifested  the  deepest  interest  for  their  wel 
fare  in  general,  and  for  him  in  particular,  he  calmly 
expressed"  his  belief,  that  if  he  was  faithful  in  the 
discharge  of  his  whole  duty  on  this  trying  occasion, 
He,  whose  protecting  care  he  had  often  witnessed  to 
be  near,  would  not  forsake  him  in  time  of  need. 

I  believe  it  is  not  saying  too   much  to  state,   that 

some   of  the   members   of  the    family  who   are   still 

living,  now,  after  a  lapse  of  more  than  thirty  years, 

often,  very  often,  remember  the  transactions  of  that 

'eventful  day,  with  feelings  of  humility  and  gratitude. 

The   Friend  waited  on  the  blacksmith   heretofore 


SHAW  NEE    INDIANS.  175 

alluded  to,  informed  him  of  what  had  passed  between 
himself  and  the  chief,  (Capt.  Wolf,)  and  requested 
the  assistance  of  his  youthful  son  as  interpreter. 
This  man,  knowing  the  practice  of  the  Indians  on 
such  occasions,  after  expressing  some  doubts  of  suc 
cess,  remarked,  that  "  as  he  had  resolved  in  the  be 
ginning  to  assist  in  this  difficult  affair,  he  was  willing 
to  go  with  them." 

Accordingly  these  four  individuals  repaired  to  the 
council-house,  where  they  met  twenty  or  more  of  the 
chiefs  and  head  men  of  the  nation.  On  entering  the 
door,  Capt.  Wolf,  in  a  commanding  tone,  bade  them 
"  be  still  and  hear;"  he  then  briefly  told  the  occasion 
of  their  sudden  appearance  among  them,  and  in  a 
short  speech,  rehearsed  to  them  the  several  inter 
views  between  himself  and  his  friend;  and  finally 
told  him  the  proposition  he  had  made  to  his  friend, 
the  "  Qua-kee-lee,"  on  hearing  which,  they  began 
to  move  around  and  converse  among  themselves,  and 
a  number  of  them  being  -painted,  and  having  more 
or  less  arms  about  them,  they  began  indeed  to 
present  a  hostile  and  formidable  appearance. 

The  Friend,  who  with  the  rest  of  his  company,  had 
been  standing  silent  spectators,  now  addressed  them 
through  his  interpreter,  with  a  remarkably  composed 
and  dispassionate  manner  and  countenance,  informing 
them  that  he  had  come  with  his  friends  We-as-se-cah 
and  Sim-rne-ta;  (blacksmith,)  to  intercede  for  the 
1  iV  of  the  woman  whom  they  had  condemned  to  die  ; 
but  seeing  they  had  determined  to  pursue  their  own 
course,  he  felt  resigned  and  prepared  to  offer  himself 


176  UTSTORY    OF    THE 

in  her  stead ;  that  he  was  now  there  unarmed,  and 
entirely  at  their  mercy ;  and  that  he  supposed  they 
would  have  to  take  him  and  do  with  him  as  they  saw 
proper.  On  hearing  this  last  sentence,  Capt.  Wolf, 
who  all  this  time  had  been  standing  near,  now 
stepped  close  to  the  Friend,  and  took  hold  of  his 
arm,  expressing  at  the  same  time,  in  language  and 
tone,  and  with  a  countenance  not  to  be  mistaken, 
"  Me  Qua-kee-lee  friend,"  and  then  called  upon  the 
chiefs  most  impartially,  not  to  suffer  their  friend,  the 
Quaker,  to  be  in  the  least  harmed  or  molested  ;  and 
that  "  if  they  were  still  determined  not  to  submit  to 
the  proposition,  he  was  ready  to  offer  his  own  life 
instead  of  his  friend's." 

This  unlooked-for,  yet  spirited  and  courageous 
movement  of  their  noble  chief,  whose  purpose  could 
no  longer  be  misunderstood  nor  easily  thwarted,  as 
well  as  the  composed  resignation  and  Christian  firm 
ness  of  the  Friend  whose  compassionate  eye  had 
been  overlooking  them,  and  whose  feeling  heart  had 
yearned  toward  them  with  all  the  affection  and  ten-' 
derness  of  a  parent,  seemed  for  a  time  to  check 
every  movement,  and  indeed,  to  change  the  counten 
ances  of  some  of  the  most  ferocious  among  them. 

At  this  critical  stage  of  the  business,  when  wonder 
and  amazement  had  taken  hold  of  them,  and  when 
probably  no  one  present  could  foresee  the  result,  the 
chiefs,  one  by  one,  to  the  number  of  six  or  eight,  walked 
deliberately  up  to  the  Friend,  and  with  countenances 
that,  bespoke  the  purest  friendship,  each  in  his  turn 
offered  his  hand  ;  and  such  of  them  as  could  speak 


SHAWNEE    INDIANS.  177 

some  English,  repeated  at  the  same  time,  "  Me  Qua- 
kee-lee  friend  !  me  Qua-kee-lee  friend." 

The  United  States  blacksmith  also  embraced  the 
opportunity  of  showing  them  that  he  too,  was  the 
"  Quaker  friend ;"  so  that  the  Friend  was  closely 
surrounded  by  a  number,  some  of  whom,  but  a  mo 
ment  before,  were  apparently  enemies  in  a  hostile 
attitude,  but  who  now  greeted  him  as  their  friend. 

As  soon  as  these  feelings,  produced  by  the  impulse 
of  the  moment,  had  a  little  subsided,  and  some  order 
was  restored,  Capt.  Wolf  began  to  address  his  people 
in  an  eloquent  and  powerful  manner,  during  which, 
he  told  them  that  "  the  woman  whom  they  bad  so 
incautiously  condemned  the  evening  before,  by  some 
means  unknown  to  them  all,  had  disappeared,  and 
though  the  most  diligent  search  had  been  made,  no 
trace  of  her  could  be  found ;  that  if  his  Quaker 
friend  had  sent  her  to  the  white  people  for  protection, 
and  they  (the  chiefs,)  did  not  pardon  and  recall  her, 
it  would  indeed,  be  a  lasting  disgrace  to  their 
nation,  and  that  if  their  friend,  the  Quaker,  should,  for 
this  reason,  break  up  the  mission  that  had  been  be 
gun,  and  thus  far  carried  on  to  their  (the  Indians)  en 
tire  benefit,  to  whom,  then,  shall  we  look  for  help?" 

This  able  address,  of  which  the  above  few  sen 
tences  constitute  but  a  small  part,  delivered,  as  it  was, 
in  feeling  and  affectionate  language,  truly  wrought 
out  a  desirable  and  most  satisfactory  result;  so  that 
after  a  short  discussion  among  themselves,  the  whole 
council,  I  believe  to  a  man,  (except  the  before-men 
tioned  prophet,  who,  about  this  time,  left  them  ia 
12 


178  HISTORT    OF    THE 

disgust,)  came  forward  and  cheerfully  offered  their 
hands  in  token  of  friendship ;  and  there  unitedly,  as 
with  the  voice  of  one  man,  solemnly  promised  that 
if  the  Friend  would  restore  the  woman  to  her  people, 
she  should  be  protected  by  them,  and  then  called  on 
their  old  friend,  the  blacksmith,  to  witness  the  cove 
nant  they  had  made  ;  to  this  he  readily  assented,  and 
told  them  that  he  should  not  only  stand  as  witness  to 
this,  but  as  surety  to  the  faithful  performance  on  the 
part  of  his  friend,  the  Quaker.  The  Friend  and  his 
companion  (Capt.  Wolf  going  with  them)  now  re 
turned  to  his  anxious  family,  relieved  of  a  burden, 
which,  for  near  twenty-four  hours,  he  had  borne  with 
great  weight  upon  his  patient  brow,  he  also  bore  the 
glad  tidings  to  them  that  the  woman  was  pardoned, 
and  his  own  life  spared. 

In  company  with  the  interpreter  he  soon  repaired 
to  the  chamber  where  the  woman  quietly  lay  con 
cealed,  and  briefly  told  her  what  had  been  effected  in 
her  behalf.  On  hearing  which  she  burst  into  tears, 
and  exclaimed,  in  broken  English  :  "  They  will  kill-ee 
me — they  will  kill-ee  me  !" 

After  a  suitable  pause  Capt.  Wolf  was  admitted  to 
the  chamber,  who  told  her,  in  a  pleasant  manner,  "to 
be  no  longer  doubting,  but  believe  what  had  been  told 
her.'*  He  then,  in  his  own  language  and  native  elo 
quence,  narrated  to  her  all  that  had  transpired,  not 
only  in  the  council  of  the  chiefs,  but  also  between 
himself  and  their  mutual  friend,  the  "  Quaker,"  and 
labored  much  to  assure  her  of  the  truth  that  she  was 
pardoned. 


SHAWKEE    INDIANS.  179 

Notwithstanding  all  this,  the  poor  woman  remained 
in  the  family  some  time,  and  for  several  days  was 
afraid  to  be  seen  by  her  people  ;  but  she  afterward 
returned  to  her  own  house,  where  she  lived  for  several 
years,  and,  as  was  believed  by  her  own  friends,  died 
a  natural  death. 

The  warmest  friendship,  closest  attachment,  and 
nearest  intimacy  subsisted  between  the  Friend  and 
this  most  excellent  chief,  for  several  years,  or  until 
the  death  of  the  former;  he  never  permitted  the 
chief  to  decide  upon  any  important  question  without 
first  consulting-  his  Quaker  friend. 

The  writer  often  heard  the  superintendent  speak 
with  manifest  emotions  of  humility  and  gratitude 
toward  the  all-wise  Creator,  testifying  that,  "  had  not 
divine  power  interposed,"  he  never  could  have 
achieved  what  he  did  with  the  wild  savages  ;  and  if 
the  Everlasting  Arm  had  not  been  underneath,  to  sup 
port  him,  he  should  certainly  have  fallen  under  such 
great  and  daring  burdens.  This  short  narrative  may 
be  properly  closed,  with  the  relation  of  a  part  intim 
ately  connected  with  it. 

In  the  autumn  of  1825,  this  devoted  Friend  again 
removed  with  his  family  to  the  Friends'  School  Es 
tablishment,  five  miles  south  of  Wapaughkonnetta, 
for  the  purpose  of  resuming  the  school  which  had 
been  previously  dismissed  by  the  committee,  partly  in 
consequence  of  the  unsettled  condition  of  the  Indians. 
Shortly  after  the  school  was  put  in  operation,  his 
old  and  long-tried  friend,  the  Indian  agent,  called  to 
see  him.  They  spent  several  hours  very  agreeably 


180  HI8TORT    OF    TUB 

together,  conversing  freely  on  various  subjects  con 
nected  with  Indian  affairs.  In  the  course  of  this  very 
interesting  interview  the  Friend  remarked,  that  he 
found  some  of  the  Indians  in  a  very  unsettled  condi 
tion,  and  desirous  to  see  their  lands,  and  remove  over 
the  Mississippi;  that  in 'consequence  of  this  he  had 
resumed  the  school  and  his  labors  among  them,  under 
much-  discouragements ;  that  it  appeared  to  him, 
while  they  remained  in  that  state  of  mind,  little  per 
manent  good  could  be  done  them  ;  and  should  they, 
erelong,  be  removed  to  the  far  west,  and  .locate  among 
the  wild  Indians  of  the  wilderness,  it  seemed  to  him 
that  the  labor  of  the  Friends  would  soon  be  entirely  lost. 

The  writer  of  this  article  being  then  present,  still 
vividly  recollects  the  glow  of  countenance  and  ani 
mated  language  and  manner  of  that  exultant  man, 
the  agent,  when  he  replied  nearly  as  follows: 

"For  your  encouragement,  friend,  I  feel  bound  to 
tell  you  the  honest  conviction  of  my  own  mind,  that 
if  the  labor  of  the  Friends  has  done  no  other  good, 
the  simple  fact  that,  by  your  individual  exertions  and 
faithfulness,  in  saving  the  life  of  Polly  Butler,  you 
have  so  completely  broken  up  the  heathenish  prac 
tice  that  once  existed,  of  frequently  putting  their 
people  to  death  for  witchcraft,  is  sufficient  to  reward 
you  for  all  the  labor  spent.  For,"  continued  he,  "I 
have  never  known  an  instance  of  one  of  them  being 
put  to  death,  on  a  similar  charge,  since  that  memor 
able  day,  6th  month,  1823." 

The  foregoing  narrative  being  submitted  to  John 
Johnston,  he  returned  the  following  reply  : 


6HAWNKE    INDIANS.  181 

"  Polly  Butler,  charged  wilh  being  a  witch  in  the 
Shawnee  nation — the  principal  subject  in  the  preced 
ing  '  narrative  ' — and  who  was  saved  from  that  vio 
lent  death,  by  the  timely,  firm,  and  persevering  ef 
forts  of  Isaac  Harvey,  who  then  had  the  charge  over 
the  Friends'  Shawnee  Mission,  at  Wapaughkonnetta, 
Ohio,  was  the  daughter  of  General  Richard  Butler, 
by  a  Shawnee  woman.  A  son,  also,  was  an  offspring 
of  the  same  union,  who  became  a  distinguished 
chief  in  peace  and  war  among  the  Shawnees — being 
in  authority  during  the  whole  of  my  agency  over 
this  nation — a  period  of  almost  thirty  years.  General 
Butler  was  an  Indian  trader  before  the  revolutionary 
war,  and  spoke  the  language  of  the  natives,  and,  as 
was  customary  wilh  persons  of  those  pursuits,  took 
an  Indian  woman  to  wife.  His  son  and  daughter 
bear  a  striking  resemblance  to  the  Butler  family, 
many  of  whom  I  knew  in  early  life. 

**  The  general  was  second  in  command,  in  the  army 
under  St.  Clair,  and  was  killed  on  the  fourth  of  No 
vember,  1791,  in  battle  with  the  combined  Indians 
of  the  North-west,  on  the  ground  on  which  Fort 
Recovery  was  afterward  built,  distant  from  Green 
ville  fourteen  miles. 

"Witchcraft  was  universally  believed  in  by  all  the 
Indian  tribes.  The  foregoing  narrative  is  substan 
tially  true. 

44  JOHN  JOHNSTON, 

"Formerly  Agent  of  Indian  affairs  in  the  North 
west,  and  U.  S.  Commissioner. 

"Davton,  Ohio.   October  17,  1853." 


182  HISTORY    OF    THE 

This  little  daughter,  mentioned  as  being  with  Polly 
Butler,  at  the  time  she  fled  to  the  Friend  for  the  protec 
tion  of  her  life,  is  now,  1854,  living  in  the  Shawnee 
nation,  married  to  one  of  the  best  men  in  that  tribe, 
and  is  the  mother  of  a  large  family.  Her  husband 
has  a  large,  good  farm,  good  houses,  out-buildings, 
orchard,  stock,  farming  utensils,  etc.,  and  she  has  a 
well- furnished  household  and  furniture,  neatly  ar 
ranged  and  kept  in  nice  order.  They  sell  a  large 
amount  of  surplus  produce  annually,  and  constantly 
have  money  loaned  out  at  interest.  She  is  a  good- 
looking,  intelligent,  and  nice  woman. 

It  is  in  honor  to  our  friend,  Isaac  Harvey,  to  say, 
that  he  was  the  first  man  who  ever  made  any  profi 
ciency  in  arresting  this  evil,  and  this  he  effected  by 
hi.s  firm,  undaunted,  and  Christian,  patient  labors 
with  them.  Often  he  had,  by  his  kindness,  obtained 
their  love  and  confidence,  as  well  as  to  take  a  firm 
course  with  them  in  regard  to  the  use  of  whisky; 
and  to  this  day,  they  speak  of  him  with  many  warm 
feelings  of  love  and  gratitude. 

Nothing  more  of  interest  occurred  in  regard  to  the 
Shawnees,  but  their  continued  advancement  in  the 
arts  of  civilization,  and  in  giving  up  their  children  to 
be  educated  at  school,  which  was  continued  for  seve 
ral  years  on  their  reservation  at  Wapaughkonnetta, 
until  some  bad  white  men  persuaded  the  young  men 
to  believe  that,  if  the  Quakers  continued  to  make 
improvements  on  their  lands,  the  white  people  would 
take  it  from  them  ;  which  coming  to  the  knowledge 


INDIANS,  1  83 

of  the  Society,  there  was  a  considerable  tract  of  land 
entered  from  the  government  at  the  expense  of  the 
Society,  buildings  were  erected,  a  farm  opened,  and 
a  school  established  about  five  miles  south  of  Wa- 
paughkonnetta,  until  the  Shawnees  left  their  homes 
for  the  country  west  of  the  Missouri. 


184  HISTORY    OF    THE 


CHAPTER   XXIX. 


IN  the  year  1825,  Governor  Clark  purchased  of  the 
Shawnees  who  were  settled  on  Cape  Girardeau,  on 
the  Carondelet  grant,  all  the  land  they  held  there, 
being  twenty-five  miles  square,  for  a  tract  of  fifty 
miles  square  (or  equal  to  fifty  miles  square)  on  the 
Kanzas  river,  and  gives  them  fourteen  thousand  dol 
lars  for  their  improvements  beside.  In  this  treaty  it 
was  provided  that  this  tract  of  fifty  miles  square 
should  belong  to  the  Shawnees  of  Missouri,  and  to 
those  of  the  same  tribe  then  in  Ohio  who  might  wish 
to  emigrate  to  that  country. 


BHAWNEE   INDIANS.  185 


CHAPTER 


IN  1830,  I  undertook  the  charge  of  the  Friends' 
School  among  the  Shawnees,  near  Wapaughkon- 
netta,  and  removed  there  with  my  family.  I  soon  be 
came  very  intimately  acquainted  with  many  of  them  ; 
found  them  an  uncommonly  pleasant  and  lively  peo 
ple — always  in  a  pleasant  humor,  kind  to  each  other, 
and  great  lovers  and  practicers  of  sport.  Nothing  but 
death  or  some  other  severe  misfortune  ever  changes 
their  countenances. 

They  kept  up  as  large  a  school  as  we  could  accom 
modate,  while  among  them,  and  took  much  interest  in 
rearing  their  children  and  advancing  them  in  useful 
knowledge.  After  we  had  lived  for  some  time  among 
them,  their  old  and  faithful  chief,  the  Blackhoof,  died. 
This  was  a  grievous  and  sore  trial  to  them.  He  was 
their  great  chief — they  would  trust  him — he  had  been, 
a  chief  for  three-fourths  of  a  century,  and  had  never 
betrayed  the  trust  reposed  in  him.  He  could  tell 
them  of  their  history  for  nearly,  or  quite  a  century, 
from  his  own  knowledge — being,  when  he  died,  about 
one  hundred  and  twenty  years  old.  He  was  in  the 
expedition  which  defeated  Gen.  Braddock,  and  in 
many  battles  afterward ;  always  an  advocate  for  his 
own  nation. 


I 

186  HISTORY    OF    TUB 

His  being  an  old  chief,  they  buried  him  in  tho 
Indian  manner;  being-  present  upon  that  occasion,  I 
was  very  much  struck  with  the  solemn  and  discon 
solate  appearance  of  all  classes  of  the  Shawnees. 
They  had  for  many  years  looked  to  the  experienced 
chief,  in  peace  and  war.  He  was  of  such  an  age 
that  recollections  carried  him  back  to  the  men  who 
had,  in  1682,  made  the  great  treaty  at  Philadelphia, 
and  with  a  clear  recollection  of  these  transactions, 
encouraged  the  people  of  his  nation  in  becoming  a 
civilized  people. 

On  arriving  at  the  residence  of  the  deceased  chief, 
on  the  day  the  funeral  was  to  take  place,  we  found 
the  corpse  wrapped  in  a  clean,  new  Indian  blanket, 
and  a  large  quantity  of  fine  new  goods,  such  as  calico, 
belts,  ribbons,  etc.,  around  and  about  the  corpse, 
which  was  laid  upon  a  new,  clean  slab  prepared  for 
the  purpose — his  gun,  tomahawk,  knife,  and  pipe 
lying  by  his  side.  All  the  Indians  present,  and  there 
was  a  large  number  of  them,  had  their  clothes  hang 
ing  loose  around  them,  their  hair  also  down  about 
their  shoulders  in  the  loosest  manner — many  of  them 
having  their  faces  painted  in  the  ancient  Indian  style. 
All  the  men  were  smoking,  all  classes  were  seated 
near  where  their  ancient,  beloved,  and  faithful  chief 
was  laid.  He,  who  had  been  their  leader  and  coun 
selor  in  peace  and  war,  was  lying  lifeless  there  before 
them.  They  had  their  eyes  set  on  him  in  solemn 
silence — not  one  word  was  spoken  for  hours  in  that 
large  concourse  of  people — all  felt  their  bereavement 
in  the  loss  of  him — tears  were  to  be  seen  in  every 


8I1AWXEE    INDIANS. 


187 


eye.  No  one  could  distinguish  between  his  own 
children  (a  number  of  them  being  present)  and 
others  ;  all  grieved  alike  the  departure  of  the  great 
chief;  no  affectation,  but  real,  heartfelt  grief;  as  of  a 
group  of  children  for  the  loss  of  an  only  parent,  and 
no  one  left  to  look  up  to. 

In  the  yard,  in  front  of  the  cabin  cf  the  deceased, 
was  a  very  large  quantity  of  meat  from  wild  animals, 
such  as  deer,  turkeys,  etc.,  the  spoil  of  a  two  days' 
hunt  by  young  men  selected  for  that  express  pur 
pose.       Twenty    deer   were   killed,    beside    a   large 
number  of  turkeys  and  what  smaller  wild  animals 
they  considered  fit  to  eat— no  tame  animal  or  fowl 
was  suffered  to  be  eaten  on  that  occasion,  though 
there  was  a  large  quantity  of  bread  prepared.     All 
this  vast  amount  of  provision  lay  in  one  pile,  stacked 
up  handsomely  together,  and  carefully  guarded  by 
some  boys,  so  nothing  should  molest  it.     Although 
the  Indians,  on  ordinary  occasions,  always  have  a 
large  number  of  dogs  with  them  at  their  gatherings, 
here  was  scarcely  one  to  be  seen.     At  the  arrival  of 
the  time  to  proceed  to  the  grave  with  the  corpse,  a 
few  of  the  choice  young  men,  provided  for  deceased, 
arranged  the  clothing  about  the  body,  took  four  large 
straps,  and  placing  them  under  it — one  taking  hold  of 
each  end— started  off  directly  to  the  place  of  its  final 
rest.     No  child  was  taken  along  in  the  procession; 
my  wife  had  her  babe  with  her;  when  about  starting, 
an  Indian  woman  offered  to  keep  it  for  her,  which 
she  did,  as  they  feared  it  might  make  a  noise.     The 
children  of  the  deceased  proceeded  next  the  corpse, 


188  HISTORY    OF    THE 

then  the  head  chief,  who  was  to  succeed  the  Black- 
hoof  in  that  office,  then  the  other  chiefs  in  succession, 
then  ourselves,  and  after  us,  came  the  whole  company. 
On  arriving  at  the  grave  they  all  gathered  round  in  a 
group.  The  grave  was  about  three-and-a-half  feet 
deep — at  the  bottom  a  split  puncheon  was  placed,  and 
one  set  on  the  edge  at  each  side,  about  ten  inches  wide ; 
the  corpse  was  let  down,  the  clothing  of  the  deceased, 
which  he  last  wore  when  in  health,  laid  on  his  body, 
when  his  old  moccasins  were  cut  in  pieces  and  placed 
with  the  rest,  but  no  weapon  was  put  in  ;  then  another 
puncheon  was  laid  over  him.  This  being  done,  John 
Perry,  head  chief,  took  some  small  seeds  from  a 
cloth,  and,  commencing  at  the  head  of  the  grave, 
walked  carefully  around  it,  sprinkling  them  all  over 
it  as  he  went ;  this  done,  he  set  off  on  the  path  di 
rectly  to  the  house,  and  in  this  was  followed  by  all 
present,  except  three  men,  who  remained  to  close  the 
grave.  After  this  was  finished,  the  men  went  toward 
the  creek,  and  in  about  half  an  hour  returned  to  the 
house.  On  their  return,  the  smoking  and  conversa 
tion  commenced. 

When  the  company  started  from  the  grave,  they 
moved  in  single  file,  one  after  another,  not  one  look 
ing  back.  On  the  arrival  of  those  who  had  filled  up 
the  grave,  I  observed  them  to  commence  conversa 
tion.  I  inquired  of  Henry  Clay,  one  of  them,  and 
also  a  chief,  what  they  went  to  the  water  for  ? 

He  replied,  "  that  as  I  was  their  friend,  he  would 
tell  me ;  it  was  to  purify  themselves  by  puking,  and 
•washing  their  bodies/' 


BHA.WNEE   INDIANS.  189 

Soon  as  they  had  smoked  around  the  company, 
they  commenced  their  feast,  but  it  being  now  late  in 
the  day,  they  pleaded  with  us  to  remain  and  par 
take  with  them — still  we  were  compelled  to  leave 
for  home,  which  was  about  ten  miles. 

We  attended  on  this  occasion,  at  the  particular  re 
quest  of  the  chiefs,  and  I  can  say  truly,  that  this 
was  altogether  the  most  solemn  and  orderly  funeral 
I  have  ever  attended  ;  and  was  said  to  be  conducted 
entirely  after  their  ancient  Indian  style.  We  were 
the  only  white  people  present. 

The  Shawnees  were  in  a  great  strait  about  the 
time  their  great  chief  was  taken  from  them.  He, 
who  was  the  bearer  of  the  remarkable  letter  ofThos. 
Jefferson,  in  1802,  to  his  people  ;  had  visited  Wash 
ington  City  and  Philadelphia  on  that  occasion,  had 
lived  to  hear  the  demand  again  made  for  their  land  ; 
but  before  that  act  was  consummated,  he  was  gath 
ered  to  his  fathers,  in  Heaven. 


190  HISTORY    OF    THB 


CHAPTER  XXXI. 


A  FEW  weeks  previous  to  the  death  of  Blackhoof, 
in  the  year  1831,  a  message  was  received  from  the 
Indian  agent  for  the  Shawnecs,  who  resided  at 
Columbus,  Ohio,  stating  to  the  chiefs,  that  a  com 
missioner,  by  the  name  of  Gardner,  would  be  at 
Wapaughkonnetta  in  a  few  days,  to  make  proposals 
to  them  for  the  purchase  of  their  lands.  This  was 
the  first  intimation  of  the  kind  that  had  ever  reached 
their  ears  since  this  land  had  been  ceded  to  them ; 
neither  had  they  any  expectation  of  ever  selling. 
The  message  surprised  them,  and  although  it  was 
what  they  had  always  dreaded,  and  indeed,  expected, 
judging  from  the  past,  yet  they  had  no  reason  to 
look  for  such  a  course,  if  any  confidence  was  to  be 
placed  in  the  American  government,  on  account  of 
the  assurances  they  had  so  repeatedly  made  to  them 
of  forever  remaining  in  the  unmolested  ownership  of 
this  land,  and  this  pledge,  made,  too,  as  a  guarantee 
to  them,  in  order  to  induce  them  to  improve  their 
land,  and  thus  to  change  their  manner  of  life. 

On  the  receipt  of  this  intelligence,  the  Shawnees 
•were  thrown  into  the  greatest  confusion.  The  chiefs 
came  to  see  me,  and  to  counsel  with  me  on  the  sub- 


8HAWNEE    INDIANS.  191 

ject.  I  could  scarcely  believe  the  report  myself,  as  I 
could  not  believe  that  our  government  would  be  so 
utterly  regardless  of  the  plighted  faith  of  the  nation, 
in  order  to  procure  to  itself,  at  the  expense  of  this 
handful  of  Indians,  so  small  a  tract  of  country  ;  and 
I  told  the  chiefs  so,  and  that  if  they  would  refuse  to 
sell,  that  I  believed  government  would  give  the 
matter  up  entirely,  and  advised  them  to  take  that 
course.  But  my  advice  to  them  did  not  prevail, 
although  at  the  time,  they  concluded  to  take  that 
course,  and  to  send  him  word  not  to  come  on  their 
land  with  any  such  proposals,  as  they  would  not 
meet  him. 

But,  alas  for  them  1  they  had  to  encounter  a  hard 
and  reckless  set  of  traders.  These  men  had  claims 
against  them,  and  wanted  money.  They  just  told 
the  Indians  in  plain  English,  that  they  wanted  money, 
and  would  have  it ;  that  they  must  now  sell  their 
land,  and  pay  them  up,  and  more  still,  they  offered 
them  large  bribes  (that  is  the  chiefs,)  to  induce 
them  to  sell,  expecting  to  get  most  of  the  money, 
regardless  of  what  might 'become  of  the  Indians  after 
they  had  fleeced  them. 

In  a  few  days  the  commissioner  sent  the  chiefs  a 
written  notice,  informing  them  that  he  would  be  at 
Wapaughkonnetta  on  a  certain  day,  and  desired  the 
chiefs  to  meet  him  there,  at  the  time  proposed. 

Nothing  could  exceed  the  confusion  that  prevailed 
from  that  time  until  the  arrival  of  Gardner. 

At  the  time  appointed,  the  commissioner  arrived. 
The  chiefs  and  head  men  met  Mm  in  a  general  council. 


192  HISTORY    OF    TUB 

Now,  as  it  has  been  H  matter  of  surprise  with  many 
people  how  such  an  ingenious  and  sagacious  people 
as  the  Indians  are,  could  be  so  easily  prevailed  upon 
to  dispose  of  then*  favorite  homes,  contrary  to  their 
wills,  and  not  only  that,  bat  get  so  badly  cheated  as 
they  always  do,  as  I  was  present  throughout  the 
whole  of  the  counselling  in  regard  to  this  land  sale, 
as  well  as  a  witness  to  the  treaty,  and  took  down  in 
writing  at  the  time  an  account  of  the  whole  proceed 
ings,  and  being  afterward  called  upon  by  the  govern 
ment  officers  to  testify  to  the  facts  in  regard  to  the 
treaty  on  several  occasions,  I  have  concluded  to  insert 
the  whole  of  it  here,  so  that  any  who  may  wish  to  know 
how  Indians  have  been  treated  with,  may  see  in 
what  manner  these  poor  confiding  people  were  dealt 
with,  in  order  to  obtain  from  them  their  lands  in 
Ohio  ;  and  the  account  I  give  here,  is  the  same  as 
was  contained  in  my  testimony  before  the  committee 
of  Congress,  upon  which,  the  acts  of  that  body  were 
based,  in  which  relief  was  afforded  to  the  Shawnees 
on  that  account. 

On  opening  the  council,  the  United  States  inter 
preter,  an  aged  Frenchman,  who  had  been  the  inter 
preter  in  many  treaties  under  Governor  Cass  and 
John  Johnston,  and  who  was  by  them  considered  to 
be  very  trustworthy,  was,  by  Gardner,  s*t  aside,  and 
another  man,  who,  he  imagined,  would  suit  him 
better,  was  appointed  in  his  place  in  that  treaty,  as 
he  was  well  aware,  that  to  effect  his  object,  which 
was  to  buy  those  Indians  out,  and  that  for  a  very 
trifle,  he  would  need  the  assistance  of  some  one  who 


BHAWXEE    INDIANS.  193 

could  manage  the  business  in  almost  any  shape  in 
which  he  might  form  his  negotiations.  The  old 
interpreter  would  have  been  the  choice  of  the  Indians, 
and  as  he  was  the  United  States  interpreter,  and  a  good 
scholar,  one  would  suppose  he  ought  to  have  been  pre 
ferred  ;  but  to  end  any  quibbling  about  these  matters, 
this  old  Frenchman  got  drunk,  I  suppose,  on  the 
brandy  which  the  commissioner  had  for  his  own  pri 
vate  use,  and  for  other  purposes  during  the  treaty, 
and  that  settled  the  question  as  to  the  propriety  of 
excusing  him  from  the  task. 

The  commissioner  first  read  a  part  of  his  instruc 
tions  from  the  President  through  the  Secretary  of 
War,  but  not  all.  He  then  commenced  his  speech 
about  noon,  and  continued  it  until  evening  without 
coming  to  a  close,  and  finished  next  morning.  Dur 
ing  his  speech  he  told  the  Indians  that  they  were  in 
a  deplorable  condition,  surrounded  by  bad  white 
people  now,  and  likely  soon  to  be  in  a  much  worse 
condition  ;  that  the  white  people  were  now  selling 
them  whisky  which  was  ruining  them ;  that  the 
game  was  nearly  all  gone  ;  that  worse  than  all  this, 
the  State  of  Ohio  would  soon  extend  her  laws  over 
them,  and,  in  order  that  they  might  know  the  real 
condition  they  would  be  in,  he  could  tell  them  what 
those  laws  would  be.  He  said  the  laws  would  compel 
them  to  pay  tax  for  the  benefit  of  the  white  people, 
and  allow  them  no  advantages  under  those  laws,  or 
from  the  money  thus  paid  by  them  ;  that  the  laws 
would  compel  (hem  to  work  on  the  public  roads  two 
days  in  each  year ;  that  the  laws  would  be  so  made 
13 


194  HISTORY    OF    THE 

that  the  white  people  might  swear  to  debts  against 
the  Indians  and  collect  them,  but  that  none  of  them 
would  be  allowed  to  collect  a  debt  by  law,  unless 
they  couM  prove  it  by  a  white  man  :  that  white  men 
might  turn  horses  and  cattle  in  their  grain-fields  and 
destroy  it  all,  but  unless  they  could  prove  the  facts 
by  a  white  person,  they  would  have  no  remedy  ;  that 
they  might  be  beaten  or  killed  by  white  men — no 
matter  how  many  Indians  present — unless  they  could 
prove  it  by  a  white  man,  they  had,  or  would  have, 
no  remedy.  And  many  other  things  he  said  to  them 
in  order,  no  doubt,  to  induce  them  to  sell  on  almost 
any  terms  he  might  wish  to  offer  to  them,  which, 
when  through  with  these  things,  he  declared  that  just 
in  that  way  Georgia  had  treated  the  Cherokees ;  and 
again  assured  them  that,  as  sure  as  they  remained 
here,  that  the  State  of  Ohio  would  do  as  Georgia  had 
done  ;  that  it  was  a  right  which  was  guaranteed  to 
them  by  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  and 
that  Congress  would  not  interfere  but  leave  to  the 
State  the  right  to  regulate  their  own  affairs  as  they 
might  see  proper,  etc. 

After  he  had  thus  got  them  alarmed,  in  regard  to 
their  present  and  future  condition,  in  case  they  con 
cluded  to  adhere  to  their  former  resolution  of  re 
maining  in  Ohio,  he  said  he  would  how  tell  them 
that,  in  case  they  would  now  sell  their  land  and  go 
west,  that  their  great  father,  General  Jackson,  would 
make  them  rich.  He  told  them  that  there  was  a 
good  rich  country  laid  off  for  all  the  Indians  to 
remove  to,  west  of  the  State  of  Missouri,  purposely 


8HAWNEK    INDIANS.  195 

for  them,  which  never  would  be  within  any  state  or 
territory  of  the  United  States ;  where  there  was  plenty 
of  buft'alo,  elk,  and  deer ;  where  they  could  live  well 
without  working  at  all. 

He  told  them  that  if  they  would  now  sell  their 
land  in  Ohio,  that  the  government  would  give  them 
in  exchange,  for  the  land  they  held  in  Ohio,  one  hun 
dred  thousand  acres  of  good  land,  which  should  be 
laid  off  adjoining  the  tract  of  fifty  miles  square, 
which  was  ceded  to  their  brethren,  the  Shawnees, 
of  Missouri,  by  Governor  Clark,  at  St.  Louis,  in  the 
year  1825,  and  on  which  they  were  living.  That  if 
they  should  agree  now  to  sell,  that  government  would 
send  a  surveyor  out  with  them  when  they  removed 
there,  and  that  they  might  select  the  land  he  now 
offered  them  near  the  Shawnees,  who  are  already 
there  ;  that  the  surveyor  would  at  once  survey  and 
mark  it  out  for  them,  and  that  government  would 
make  them  a  good  general  warranty-deed  for  it,  so 
they  should  hold  it  forever. 

That  as  the  United  States  (said  he)  wanted  their 
land,  they  were  willing  that  the  Shawnees  should 
have  all  it  could  be  sold  for,  over  and  above  the  cost 
of  surveying  and  selling  it  and  the  cost  of  removing  and 
feeding  them  at  their  new  homes,  for  one  year  after 
their  arrival  in  that  country ;  that  as  their  friends, 
the  Quakers,  had  erected  a  grist-mill  and  saw-mill 
at  Wapaughkonnetta  for  them,  free  of  cost  to  the 
government,  the  United  States  would  build,  at  its  own 
expense,  good  mills  in  their  new  country,  in  lieu  of 
those  they  have  in  Ohio,  and  pay  the  Indians  in  cash, 


196  HlAsTOKk'    OF    THE 

the  amount  of  what  good  men  may  adjudge  their  im 
provements  to  be  worth,  in  order  to  enable  them  to 
make  improvements  at  their  new  homes,  and  that 
government  would  give  them  guns,  to  kill  the  game 
in  the  prairies;  also,  tools  of  every  description  to 
work  with,  and  all  their  hinds  being  over  seventy 
cents  per  acre  the  Indians  should  have,  which  should 
be  placed  in  the  United  States  treasury,  and  five  per 
cent,  interest  paid  them  annually,  until  they  may  wish 
to  draw  the  whole  sum. 

He  concluded  by"  declaring  that  the  Indians  never 
had  been  honestly  treated  with,  by  any  man  in  the 
United  States ;  though,  said  he,  he  knew  that  the 
Indians  and  whites  too  generally  made  one  exception, 
and  that  was,  "Wm.  Penn ;  but  Gardner  declared  that 
Penn  had  basely  cheated  the  Indians  out  of  their 
lands,  and  acted  no  better  than  a  horse-thief.  He 
declared,  in  conclusion,  that  if  they  would  now  sell 
their  land,  that  the  government  would  make  them 
rich ;  then  told  them  he  would  leave  them  and  return 
in  about  four  weeks,  when  they  could  return  their 
answer. 

The  Shawnees  were  much  divided  about  selling ; 
those  of  them  who  had  made  the  greatest  advance 
ment  in  improvement  were  all  opposed  to  the  idea 
of  leaving  their  homes  ;  but  such  as  were  idle,  dis 
sipated  fellows  urged  the  measure — and  those  backed 
by  the  traders  with  bribes,  outnumbered  the  others, 
and  word  was  conveyed,  by  a  few  of  the  chiefs  to 
the  commissioner,  to  come  on  and  close  the  contract. 
He  accordingly  attended,  and  on  the  chiefs  again 


BUAWKEE    INDIANS.  197 

assembling,  he  renewed  the  same  offer  as  before, 
and  urged  them  strongly  to  sell.  He  told  them, 
among  other  things,  that  they  ought  always  to  listen 
to  the  advices  of  the  white  people,  because  they  were 
wiser  than  the  red  people,  as  the  red  people  were 
wiser  than  the  blacks.  He  said  the  Great  Spirit 
created  them  so,  as  their  complexion  plainly  showed, 
and  more  of  the  like  ;  after  again  talking  the  whole 
day,  he  concluded  in  the  evening. 

Wayweleapy,  the  Shawnees'  speaker,  replied  the 
next  day.  He  informed  the  commissioner  that  he 
had  never  talked  more  than  two  days  to  them  ;  had 
said  mariy  things  that  were  very  good,  but  had  again 
said  some  things  that  were  not  very  good.  He  had 
said  a  good  deal  about  the  Great  Spirit.  Now,  for 
his  own  part,  he  said,  he  did  not  pretend  to  know 
much  about  so  great  a  being,  neither  did  he  intend 
to  make  a  long  speech,  like  the  commissioner  had 
done  ;  but  he  did  not  think  that  his  friend  knew  much 
about  the  Great  Spirit,  from  the  notions  he  seems  to 
have  about  Him.  Now,  said  Wayweleapy,  I  believe 
tkat  the  Great  Spirit  made  all  men  alike,  but  my 
friend  thinks  He  made  three  distinct  classes  of  men. 
He  says,  to  the  white  man  he  gave  a  white  skin  and 
a  great  deal  of  sense ;  to  the  Indian,  a  red  skin,  and 
a  little  less  sense  ;  and  to  the  negro,  a  black  skin, 
and  very  little  sense.  Now,  said  he,  is  not  this  a 
very  curious  idea  about  our  great  Creator  ?  For  my 
part,  he  continued,  I  have  no  such  notions  at  all  in 
my  head ;  I  believe  no  such  things  at  all  about  that 
great  being.  He  said  he  believed  that  the  Great 


198  HISTORY    OF    THE 

Spirit  created  all  men  alike,  of  the  same  blood,  but 
if  he  did,  as  his  friend  had  said,  create  them  so  very 
different  that  one  race  was  so  much  superior  to  the 
others,  how  had  he  found  out  that  it  was  his  own 
race  that  was  so  much  wiser  than  the  others  were  ? 
for  his  part  he  did  not  believe  it;  but  if  true,  it  was 
very  likely  that  it  was  the  Indians  who  had  the  most 
sense  given  them.  But  for  his  part,  he  believed,  as 
he  said  before,  that  all  men  were  created  alike,  but 
that  they  became  very  wicked  and  very  dark  for  a 
long  time,  but  at  length  God  placed  a  great  ball  of 
fire  in  the  east  (pointing  in  that  direction),  which 
rose  higher  and  higher,  and  dispelled  the  darkness, 
and  when  it  arrived  at  the  highest  point  in  the  heav 
ens,  burst  and  entered  into  every  one's  heart — and 
from  that  time,  every  one  is  enlightened,  and  we  are 
still  all  on  the  same  equality.  These,  he  said,  were 
his  notions  about  the  matter. 

He  then  told  the  commissioner  that  the  Shawnees 
had  agreed  to  sell  their  land,  if  he  would  give  them 
for  it  what  he  had  offered  them,  and  in  addition, 
would  pay  their  debts,  which  was  common  in  Indian 
treaties. 

The  commissioner  informed  the  Indians  that  he 
would  have  a  clause  in  the  treaty  binding  the  gov 
ernment  to  pay  all  their  debts ;  that  he  would  not 
^ay  what  amount  was  due  from  them,  that  that  was 
not  his  business,  but  he  would  leave  that  to  the  chiefs, 
and  all  the  debts  which  they  should  acknowledge  to 
be  just,  the  government  would  pay  out  of  its  own 
monev,  and  not  take  one  cent  from  the  Shawnees, 


SHAWNEK    INDIANS.  199 

He  then  told  the  chiefs  thnt  he  had  the  treaty  all 
drawn  up  in  order,  that  it  was  very  long,  and  as  it 
was  then  late  in  the  day,  there  would  not  be  time  to 
read  it  over,  but  declared  that  it  did  contain  what  he 
had  offered  them  in  every  particular.  He  asked 
them  to  come  forward  and  sign  it,  but  they  hesitated 
for  a  long  time,  and  appeared  to  fear  that  all  was  not 
right,  or  he  would  have  read  to  them  the  treaty 
before  asking  them  to  sign  it,  but  at  length  they 
signed  the  instrument ;  but  to  the  last,  they  were 
very  obstinate  relative  to  the  payment  of  their  debts. 
Now  they  were  more  resolute  in  this  matter  of  having 
their  debts  paid,  than  on  any  other  subject  connected 
with  the  treaty.  They  were  well  trained  to  it  by 
traders,  who  paid  some  of  the  chiefs  well  to  hold  on 
to  these  debts  to  the  last,  and  made  them  believe 
that,  by  government  assuming  the  payments,  Indians 
would  be  none  the  losers,  as  all  would  come  off  gov 
ernment.  So  obedient  were  they  in  this  matter,  and 
.so  anxious  was  the  commissioner  to  bring  the  nego 
tiations  to  a  close,  that  there  was  no  time  allowed  to 
go  into  an  examination  of  the  claims,  but  the  traders 
(some  of  them)  drew  up  a  bond,  amounting  to  twenty 
thousand  dollars,  on  the  chiefs,  which  they  acknow 
ledged  to  be  a  just  demand  agahxst  the  nation,  and 
.which  bond  and  acknowledgment  were  indorsed  by 
the  commissioner  and  agent  when  all  the  parties,  it 
was  said,  were  in  a  state  of  intoxication,  except  some 
of  those  wily  traders  who  had  now  got  their  large, 
and,  no  doubt,  unjust  demands  secured,  and  who, 
lest  their  deeds  should  one  day  be  brought  to  light, 


aARY. 

200  HISTORY    OF    THE 

burnt  up  all  their  books,  and  fortified  their  claims 
behind  this  bond  and  the  certificates  of  these  drunken 
government  officers,  and  they  got  their  pay,  which 
will  be  seen  in  the  sequel,  and  that,  too,  out  of  the 
Shawnees'  money,  and  without  their  consent. 

In  a  day  or  two  after  the  treaty  was  closed  the 
commissioner  left  the  place,  but  soon  rumors  were 
afloat  among  the  Shawnees  that  the  commissioner 
had  cheated  them  badly  in  the  treaty,  and  one  thing 
became  public,  that  the  trader,  who  had  so  snugly 
headed  the  commissioner  in  his  claim,  presented  his 
demand  against  the  government  in  this  Indian  bond 
with  the  commissioner's  and  agent's  approval  in 
dorsed,  and  demanded  payment,  which  was  at  once 
refused,  as  these  men,  by  this  time,  had  become 
sober.  Then  the  trader  at  once  returned  to  the 
chiefs  and  demanded  his  pay  of  them. 

Shortly  after  the  departure  of  the  commissioner, 
word  reached  the  Shawnees  from  almost  every 
source,  that  they  were  grossly  deceived  and  cheated 
in  their  treaty,  in  almost  every  particular,  in  regard 
to  the  sale  of  their  land ;  which  was  confirmed  by  an 
extract  the  commissioner  furnished  to  me,  by  which, 
as  shown  in  that  extract,  they  were  to  fall  very  far 
short  of  receiving  what  they  expected  for  their  land, 
and  in  fact,  not  to  receive  one  acre  of  land  where 
they  were  going,  to  which  they  had  not  a  right  ft* 
under  a  former  treaty.  This  threw  them  into  the 
greatest  confusion  imaginable.  John  Perry,  an 
aged  man  and  the  head  chief,  came  to  see  me  on  the 
occasion.  He  cried  like  a  child,  when  I  toid  him 


6HAWNEK    INDIANS. 

that  it  had  turned  out  about  as  I  told  them  it  would, 
if  they  should  go  into  a  treaty  with  Gardiner,  on  his 
first  message  being  received ;  that  he  had  taken  their 
land  from  them  for  nothing,  and  of  that  they  might 
now  rest  assured.  He  told  me  that  now  they  were 
a  ruined  people  forever,  unless  they  could  get  some 
assistance  from  the  Quakers.  I  told  him  I  had  ^ 
clear  account  of  the  whole  proceedings  of  the  treaty, 
which  I  had  kept  in  writing,  and  that,  as  I  was  one 
of  the  witnesses  to  the  treaty,  I  would  be  allowed  to 
be  a  witness  for  them. 

On  the  meeting  of  the  committee  having  in  charge 
the  Indian  affairs  at  the  Yearly  Meeting  at  Richmond, 
Indiana,  which  took  place  soon  after  the  subject  was 
brought  to  the  notice  of  the  committee,  this  treaty 
so  far  claimed  the  attention  of  the  Friends,  as  to 
direct  that  a  full  detail  of  it  be  presented  at  another 
sitting,  which  being  done,  resulted  in  a  conclusion  to 
make  further  examination,  by  sending  a  committee 
to  Wapaughkonnetta  to  convene  the  Indians  on  the 
occasion,  and  hear  from  them  the  account  of  their 
grievances,  and  if  there  appeared  to  be  any  way  to 
relieve  them  by  such  a  course,  to  petition  Congress 
on  the  subject,  and  ask  relief  for  the  Shawnees,  and 
to  send  a  deputation  of  Friends  to  Washington  City 
to  attend  Congress  and  represent  the  case  there. 

In  a  short  time  after  the  rise  of  the  Yearly  Meet 
ing,  a  committee,  consisting  of  several  Friends,  who 
were  well  known  by  the  Shawnees,  and  men  of  ex 
perience  in  Indian  concerns,  visited  Wapaughkon 
netta,  (or  the  Friends'  Mission  near-by.)  and  Galled 


202  HISTORF    OF    THE 

together  about  twenty  of  the  principal  men  of  the 
nation,  with  two  competent  interpreters,  who  all  re 
mained  at  our  Mission  with  their  horses,  for  about 
three  days  and  nights,  and  were  well  taken  care  of 
by  us  during  the  whole  time. 

On  their  being  convened  in  council,  we  first  in 
formed  them,  that  with  sorrowful  hearts  we  all  heard 
at  our  late  large  Yearly  Meeting  from  their  friend 
Henry  Harvey,  who  was  at  the  late  treaty,  that  you 
have  been  cheated  out  of  your  land,  and  that  you 
are  all  in  trouble  on  that  account;  and  on  that 
account,  we  had  called  them  together  at  this  time, 
and  were  willing  to  assist  them  all  we  could,  now 
when  they  were  in  trouble,  and  that  it  was  in  order 
to  do  our  duty  to  them  in  their  trouble  and  to  our 
common  Creator,  that  we  were  now  here ;  but  we 
told  them  that  we  could  do  nothing  till  we  heard 
what  their  grievances  were,  and,  that  first,  we 
wanted  to  hear  what  they  had  to  say. 

After  remaining  in  close  council  entirely  to  them 
selves,  nearly  a  whole  night,  early  the  next  day, 
they  informed  us  that  they  were  ready  to  speak  to 
us.  When  we  went  in,  we  found  them  all  seated  in 
order.  On  taking  our  seats  in  front  of  them,  each 
chief  arose  and  took  us  by  the  hand  firmly,  then  re 
sumed  their  seats.  Not  one  word  was  spoken ;  then 
they  passed  the  pipe  around,  and  each  chief  smoked 
a  few  whiffs.  All  eyes  were  then  fixed  on  the  great 
speaker,  Wayweleapy,  in  profound  silence.  I  very 
much  question,  whether  a  more  solid,  thoughtful, 
grave,  and  dignified-looking  company  of  men  ever 


SHAWNEE    INDIANS.  203 

graced  the  American  Council,  than  this  company  of 
Shawnee  chiefs — nearly  all  aged  men,  and  old,  able 
counselors. 

After  a  considerable  pause,  the  speaker  arose,  with 
tears  in  his  keen  black  eyes  which  first  glanced  at 
each  of  his  un-thren,  and  then  he  fixed  them  stead 
fastly  on  us,  and  commenced  as  follows,  (which  I 
took  down  correctly  as  delivered:) 

He  said,  "  My  brethren  and  friends,  it  used  to  be 
so,  on  former  occasions  when  we  met  together  as  we 
are  now,  that  we  could  always  thank  the  Great 
Spirit  that  we  had  the  satisfaction  of  meeting  each 
other  in  council."  (Here  the  speaker  made  a  solemn 
pause  of  several  minutes.)  He  again  said,  "  My 
friends  ;"  here  he  again  faltered,  and  stood  motion 
less  for  some  time,  his  eyes  still  fixed  on  us — at 
length,  tears  rolled  down  his  manly  cheek,  and  finally, 
although  a  man  of  the  greatest  fortitude,  and  noted 
in  war  as  a  brave  soldier,  he  had  to  yield  to  the  emo 
tions  of  his  own  soul,  and  unconsciously  sank  back 
in  his  seat — while  every  eye  was  fixed  on  him  with 
feelings  not  to  be  expressed,  to  see  the  result.  He 
continued  in  a  deep  and  profound  struggle,  but  could 
not  attempt  again  to  rise.  He  again  lifted  his  eyes 
(which  were  filled  with  tears,  as  were  those  of  every 
one  present,)  to  us.  He  took  off  his  handkerchief, 
which  was  around  his  neck,  unbuttoned  his  vest,  and 
seemed  evidently  struggling  to  master  the  emotions 
which  agitated  liis  breast.  He  was  then  handed  a 
pipe  by  Henry  Clay  ;  he  smoked  a  few  moments,  con 
fusedly  handed  it  back  again,  and  then  arose  with 


204 


HISTORY    OF    THB 


all  the  s6lemn  dignity  that  could  be  displayed  by  this 
great  man,  under  the  subdued  emotions  of  his  soul, 
and  proceeded.      "  My  friends  and  brethren,  we  are 
now  all  present,  and  I  am  glad  to  see  you.     I  thank 
the  great  God  that  you  have  come  to  see  us  at  this 
time.     We  are  all  in  trouble ;  we  wanted  to  see  you 
very  much.     You  wish  to  know  our  grievances  about 
our  late  treaty.     We  will  endeavor  to  tell  you.     This 
treaty  which  we  made  with  Gardner,  we  thought  was 
made  in  good  faith,  on  both  sides.    He  spoke  a  great 
deal    to  us,  and  called  upon  God  to  be  witness  to 
what  he  said  to  us.     This  made  us  believe  he  was  in 
earnest,  and  we  put  confidence  in  what  he  said,  and 
never  thought  of  being  deceived  by  him.     He  said, 
he  was  sent  to  us  by  the  President,  General  Jackson, 
and  so  we  were  willing  to  trust  him.     He  made  pro 
positions  to  us  for  our  lands,  and  we  agreed  to  them. 
The  treaty  was  not  read  and  interpreted  to  us,  but 
Gardner  assured  us,  that  it  contained  just  what  he 
offered  us,  in  every  particular.     We  thought  he  told 
us  the  truth,  and  accordingly  we  signed  the  treaty, 
but  since  then,  we  found  out  that  it  was  not  so,  and 
that  he  had  deceived  and  cheated  us.     This  is  what 
grieves  our  hearts  so.     We  are  sorry  to  find  that  it  is 
to  be  the  price  of  our  farms  that  is  to  take  us  to  our 
new  homes.    We  expected  no  such  thing — we  under 
stood  plainly  that  the  government  was  to  be  at  all 
that  expense,  and  that  what  our  improvements  here 
were  worth,  after  being  valued  by  good  men,  was  to 
be  paid  us  in  money,  to  assist  us  in  making  farms  at 
our  new   homes.     We  have  good  homes   here,  and 


BHAWNEE    INDIANi.  205 

had  abundance  of  labor  and  pains  to  make  them. 
We  wanted  good  men  to  value  our  improvements,  for 
we  are  not  ashamed  of  our  homes.  We  are  surprised 
to  hear  that  the  treaty  is  not  as  we  understood  it  was, 
in  that  matter.  The  commissioner  told  us  that  the 
President  would  provide  well  for  our  women  and 
children  in  our  long  journey.  My  friends,  we  are  in 
a  difficult  situation.  We  cannot  let  our  property  go 
in  this  way ;  if  we  do,  we  are  a  ruined  people. 
Now,  my  friends,  another  thing  that  grieves  us  is, 
that  when  we  see  how  the  Delawares  and  Senecas 
have  been  treated,  who  are  now  on  their  way  to  the 
Kanzas,  they  are  so  poorly  provided  for.  Some 
of  them  have  poor,  old,  blind  horses.  Some  poor 
women  going  on  foot,  and  a  large  number  of  them 
furnished  with  only  four  bushels  of  corn-meal. 
\Ve  pity  them,  as  they  are  our  brethren  ;  we  fear 
that  their  situation  will  be  ours,  when  we  get  ready 
to  start  on  our  journey.  We  hope  this  will  be 
avoided.  Another  thing  that  grieves  us  is,  that  man 
Gardner  promised  to  pay  our  debts ;  this,  we  find,  he 
intends  to  take  from  our  money :  we  cannot  leave 
Ohio  till  our  debts  are  settled.  My  friends,  when  we 
got  this  land,  we  were  told  by  President  Jefferson, 
that  we  never  should  be  asked  to  sell  it,  but  that,  if 
we  wished  at  any  time  to  sell,  that  government  would 
send  a  good  man  to  purchase  it  of  us. 

"  Gardner,  when  he  came  among  us,  said  he  was 
sent  by  the  President,  and  instructed  to  pay  us  well 
for  our  land,  but  he  has  deceived  us,  and  has  failed 
to  do  so.  This  man,  who  told  us  that  he  was  sent 


206  UISTOttV    OF    THE 

here  by  General  Jackson,  told  us  that  such  rich  farm 
ing  tracts,  as  we  had  here,  should  be  furnished  us 
by  the  government  at  our  new  homes  ;  but  we  have 
since  learned  that  they  are  to  be  paid  for  out  of  the 
price  of  our  poor  little  reserve  here — out  of  our  poor 
hard-earned  farm  that  we  have  been  so  long  in 
making.  This  is  too  hard;  they  never  cost  the  gov 
ernment  anything,  and  we  had  no  idea  that  the 
money  was  to  be  taken  from  us  for  any  such  thing. 
We  had  mills  here  that  were  built  for  us  by  our 
friends,  the  Quakers — they  never  cost  the  government 
anything — and  Gardner  told  us  that  we  should  have 
good  mills  furnished  us,  in  lieu  of  those  we  have 
here,  at  our  new  homes,  but  the  pay  for  them,  we 
now  learn,  is  to  be  taken  from  our  money  for  that 
100.  What  does  this  mean  ?  We  declare,  we  under 
stood  no  such  thing,  at  the  time  we  signed  the 
treaty. 

"  We  have  now  told  you  what  our  grievances  are. 
If  we  could  have  all  these  things,  as  we  understood 
them  at  the  time  \ve  made  the  treaty,  we  would  be 
satisfied,  but  if  not,  troubles  and  sorrow  will  follow 
us  to  our  far -distant  homes. 

"  Friends  and  brothers,  we  say  again  that  we  are 
glad  to  see  you  here,  at  this  time  ;  we  are  glad  that 
you  are  going  to  take  part  for  us,  for  we  are  a  poor 
forsaken  people,  and  have  none  to  look  to  for  help 
but  our  friends,  the  Quakers.  We  hope  you  will 
succeed  in  your  undertaking — it'  you  do,  sorrow  will 
be  removed  from  us.  We  are  so  rejoiced  that  you 
have  come  to  see  us,  that  we  never,  as  long  as  we 


6HAWNEE    INDIANS-  207 

live,  shall  forget  our  feelings  at  this  time.  The  world 
is  wide,  we  looked  all  around  us  on  every  hand  to 
find  some  one  to  help  us,  but  we  could  find  no  one 
but  our  old  friends,  the  Quakers.  Many  people  will 
talk  from  their  teeth  out,  but  the  manner  the  Qua 
kers  have  always  acted  toward  us  shows  plainly  that 
they  are  our  real  friends.  My  brothers,  I  am  now 
done  speaking." 


208  HISTORY    OF    THB 


CHAPTER  XXXII. 


THE  result  of  the  deliberations  at  the  aforemen 
tioned  council  was,  that  a  petition  to  Congress  was 
prepared  and  signed  by  the  chiefs,  setting  forth  their 
grievances  and  asking  that  an  additional  compensa 
tion  be  allowed  the  Shawnees  for  their  land  in  Ohio, 
and  four  chiefs  were  appointed,  namely,  John  Perry 
(head  chief),  Wayweleapy,  Blackhoof  (or  Quaskey), 
and  Spybiick,  and  Francis  Duchequate  and  Joseph 
Parks,  interpreters,  to  present  it.  A  memorial  was 
also  prepared  by  the  committee,  in  behalf  of  the 
Society  of  Friends,  asking  relief  from  Congress  for 
the  Shawnees,  and  a  deputation  of  two  Friends  was 
appointed  (to  wit:  David  Baily  and  myself),  to  con 
duct  the  Indian  delegation  to  Washington  City,  to 
give  what  information  we  were  in  possession  of 
touching  the  manner  in  which  the  treaty  had  been 
conducted,  and  to  press  the  claim  of  the  Shawnees 
on  Congress  and  the  executive.  Being  at  the  treaty 
myself,  from  the  beginning  to  the  end,  having  taken 
a  correct  account  in  writing,  at  the  time,  of  every 
thing  that  transpired  at  each  stage  of  the  proceedings, 
and  being  allowed  by  the  commissioner  to  subscribe 
my  name  to  the  treaty  as  a  witness,  I  therebv  became 


SHAW  NEE    INDIANS.  209 

a  competent  witness  in  behalf  of  the  Indians,  and  was 
enabled  to  disclose  more,  by  far,  to  establish  a  fraud, 
than  all  the  other  testimony  which  could  be  produced 
from  other  sources.  The  Society  of  Friends  furnished 
money  to  defray  the  whole  expense  of  the  deputa 
tion,  the  Indians'  as  well  as  our  own. 

The  deputation  set  off  from  our  Mission  about  the 
1st  of  the  12th  month,  1831;  a  large  number  of  the 
Shawnees  spent  the  night  with  us  and  their  own  dele 
gation  before  we  started,  and  on  taking  leave  of 
them,  they  were  very  sober  and  thoughtful  about  us, 
and  gave  us  many  good  wishes  for  our  welfare,  and 
pledged  themselves  to  me  that  they  would  be  good  to 
my  wife  and  little  children,  whom  I  was  leaving  in 
charge  of  the  school  in  my  absence,  and  no  whites 
within  ten  miles  of  them  except  one  or  two  families. 

The  deputation  went  by  way  of  Mount  Pleasant, 
and  spent  a  few  days  there  with  the  Friends,  who 
joined  in  our  memorial  to  Congress ;  purchased  stuff 
and  made  plenty  of  good  clothing  for  the  four  chiefs, 
and,  in  many  other  kind  offices  to  them,  manifested 
their  love  and  good-will  to  these  oppressed  people. 
The  chiefs  were  sensible  of  their  kindness,  and 
remember  it  still. 

We  went  by  way  of  Baltimore,  and  the  Friends 
of  that  Yearly  Meeting  joined,  too,  in  the  appeal  to 
Congress ;  so  that  as  the  three  Yearly  Meetings  of 
Baltimore,  Ohio,  and  Indiana  had  been  for  years  en 
deavoring  to  assist  the  Indians  in  the  arts  of  civiliza 
tion,  at  a  heavy  expense,  which  was  borne  by  the 
Society,  now  when  these  Indians  were  about  to  lose 
14 


210  HISTOKr    OF    THK 

all  they  had  gained  for  years,  in  the  way  of  property, 
they  felt  it  a  duty  they  owed  to  them,  as  well  as  to 
our  government,  to  have  these  wrongs  redressed  ;  and 
they  all  united  in  an  appeal  to  Congress,  and  in  bear 
ing  the  expense,  so  that  if  the  Indians  failed  to  get 
redress,  the  attempt  they  made  to  procure  relief, 
should  cost  them  nothing. 

When  we  arrived  at  Cumberland,  on  our  way  to 
Washington  City,  Francis  Duchequate  was  taken 
very  sick ;  so  we  had  to  leave  him,  and  had  no  idea 
that  he  could  live  but  a  few  days.  It  WHS  affecting 
to  see  him  take  leave  of  the  chiefs,  as  he  told  them 
he  had  been  with  them  ever  since  they  were  little 
children  ;  was  then  an  old  man,  and  should  soon  die, 
and  he  thought  they  would  never  see  him  any  more  : 
at  parting  with  him  they  were  affected  into  tears. 
His  prediction  was  verified,  as  he  died  in  a  few  days. 
He  was  considered  to  be  a  very  honest  man,  and  had 
been  interpreter  for  many  years,  and  in  one  or  two 
instances  was  the  means,  while  with  the  Indians,  in 
time  of  war,  of  saving  American  prisoners  from  being 
burnt  to  death.  But  his  great  fault  was,  he  would 
drink  liquor,  which,  no  doubt,  brought  him  to  his 
end — as  he  would  drink  on  our  way  on  that  journey  ; 
even  the  afternoon  before  he  took  fiick,  he  procured 
some  without  our  knowledge,  which  we  supposed, 
hastened  on  the  disease  which  took  him  off. 

On  arriving  at  Washington  City  we  called  on 
Lewis  Cass,  Secretary  of  War,  and  were  introduced  to 
him  by  Gen.  Joseph  Vance,  a  representative  in  Con 
gress  from  Ohio.  After  making  known  to  the  secre- 


BHAWNEE    INDIANS.  211 

tary  our  business,  and  giving  him  an  account  of  the 
manner  in  which  the  treaty  was  managed,  and  of  the 
fact  that  the  Shawnees,  who  were  a  party  to  that 
transaction,  and  deeply  interested  therein,  as  their 
all  was  there  at  stake,  had  never  heard  the  treaty 
read,  neither  had  they  been  furnished  with  a  copy ; 
that  as  one  Avho  was  at  the  treaty,  and  had  signed 
it  as  a  witness,  and  was  here  on  behalf  of  the  Society 
of  Friends,  to  assist  on  urging  the  claim  of  this  peo 
ple  on  the  Department,  I  declared  that  I  did  not 
know  what  the  treaty  did  actually  "contain  ;  that,  as  a 
friend  to  the  Shawnees,  Tasked  the  commissioner  for 
a  copy.  The  next  day  after  it  was  signed,  he  gave 
me  an  extract,  but  was  so  drunk  at  the  time  that  I 
could  make  no  sense  out  of  it,  it  was  written  so 
badly. 

Cass  at  once  ordered  the  clerk  at  the  Indian 
bureau  to  furnish  us  with  a  copy  in  full  of  the  treaty, 
and  requested  me,  when  I  obtained  it,  to  take  time 
fully  to  examine  the  treaty,  and  to  compare  the  amount 
they  are  actually  to  receive  by  the  treaty,  with  the 
amount  offered  them  by  the  commissioner  at  his  first 
council  with  them,  when  he  produced  his  instructions 
from  the  Department,  and  let  him  have  the  result  of 
our  estimates  and  calculations  on  the  subject,  in  order 
that  he  might  lay  the  same  before  the  President,  so 
that  another  treaty  might  be  made  with  the  chiefs  in 
attendance. 

In  a  few  days  we  returned  an  account  of  our  ex 
amination  into  the  treaty,  as  requested  by  the  secre 
tary,  and  gave  it  as  our  judgment  that  the  amount 


212  HISTORY    OB1    THE 

which  the  commissioner  offered  the  Shawnees  for 
their  lands,  at  Wapaughkonnetta  and  Hog  Creek, 
exceeded  the  amount  which  they  are  to  receive,  as 
shown  in  the  treaty,  the  sum  of  $115,000,  and 
produced  the  data  from  which  the  calculation  was 
made  out,  and  told  him  we  could  prove  what  we  had 
stated  at  any  time,  when  allowed  that  privilege,  and 
asked  that  we  might  have  an  opportunity  to  do  so  be 
fore  the  President,  when  we  should  ask  to  set  aside 
this  treaty  and  make  another,  with  the  present  dele 
gation,  who  were  authorized  to  transact  business  for 
their  nation.  Cass  appro vexl  of  our  plan  in  making 
a  new  treaty.  He  declared  that  our  calculation  in 
regard  to  the  treaty,  was  very  correct  and  moderate  ; 
and  added,  that  by  Gardner's  treaty  the  Shawnees 
would  not  realize  one  dollar  for  their  land  in  Ohio. 

The  secretary  urged  the  President  to  hear  us  on 
behalf  of  the  Shawnees,  but  he  refused.  He  then 
proposed  to  make  a  treaty  with  the  delegation  now 
in  attendance,  and  set  Gardner's  treaty  aside;  but  in 
this  he  failed— the  President  declaring  that  the  Shaw 
nees  should  fare  no  better  than  the  Oherokees  did. 

Although  we  presented  to  the  President  the  letter 
sent  to  the  Shawnees  by  Thomas  Jefferson,  through 
Henry  Dearborn,  Secretary  of  War,  with  the  gold 
chain,  (which  letter  the  reader  may  find  a  copy  of  in 
chapter  twentieth,  to  which  I  refer,)  still  he  could  not 
be  prevailed  with,  by  the  excellent  secretary,  to  do 
anything  at  all  in  the  matter ;  though  he  was  very 
courteous  and  friendly  with  us  when  in  his  presence, 
yet  he  seemed  to  care  very  little  for  the  Indians  or 


SHAWNEE    INDIANS.  213 

their  rights,  no  more  than  he  did  for  what  Thomas 
Jefferson  had  given  this  people  reason  to  look  for 
from  his  successors. 

Being  unsuccessful  in  our  attempt  with  the  Execu 
tive  Department,  in  obtaining  redress,  we  made  appli 
cation  to  Congress.  The  business  we  placed  in  the 
care  of  Joseph  Vance,  a  representative  from  Ohio,  a 
man  of  stern  integrity,  who  was  well  acquainted  with 
the  Shawnees,  and  who  had  great  experience  in  and 
out  of  Congress,  and  who  loved  to  serve  the  Indians. 
My  affidavit  was  obtained,  which  explained  the  whole 
proceedings  in  regard  to  the  treaty.  Vance  failed  in 
his  first  and  second  attempt  in  bringing  the  subject 
before  the  House ;  but  at  length  got  the  House  to 
refer  the  subject  to  the  Committee  of  Ways  and 
Means,  when  our  memorial,  and  that  of  the  Shaw 
nees,  together  with  the  affidavit  of  myself,  which  was 
sworn  to  by  Joseph  Parks,  also,  who  was  Gardner's 
interpreter  at  the  treaty,  which  resulted  in  the  com 
mittee,  through  their  chairman,  George  McDuffy, 
of  South  Carolina,  reporting  a  bill  of  $30,000,  in 
fifteen  equal  annual  installments,  as  an  additional 
compensation  to  the  Shawnees  for  their  Ohio  lands. 
Our  claim  to  Congress  was  for  $100,000,  but  only 
asked  a  part  at  that  time — being  aware  of  the  danger 
of  the  veto  power,  in  case  we  asked  too  much  at 
once — but  we  left  the  demand  open  for  future  action, 
and  our  memorial,  etc.,  were  left  in  the  hands  of  the 
proper  committee,  to  be  taken  up  at  some  future  day. 

Soon  as  the  business  was  so  that  we  could  leave 
Washington,  Gov.  Cass,  secretary,  paid  the  whole  of 


214 


HISTORY    OF    THE 


our  expense,  from  the  time  we  left  home,  while  at 
Washington,  and  until  we  should  reach  our  re 
spective  homes,  amounting  to  8640,  and  gave  the  four 
chiefs,  in  cash,  $50,  each,  as  a  present,  and  acted 
in  every  respect  with  us  and  with  the  chiefs,  as  be 
came  his  high  character,  as  an  honorable  man ;  and 
so  did  General  Vance,  who  from  the  first,  interested 
himself  very  much  in  this  matter,  nor  ever  faltered 
until  the  matter  was  carried.  These  men  will  be 
long  remembered  by  the  Shawnees  and  their  friends, 
for  their  goodness  to  them  while  in  distress  and  about 
to  leave  their  favored  Ohio. 


6HAWKJU!    INDIANS.  216 


CHAPTER    XXXIII. 


AT  the  conclusion  of  the  treaty,  Gardner  informed 
the  Shawnees  that  he  would  remove  them  early  the 
next  spring  to  their  new  homes,  and  as  they  had  a 
large  number  of  catt.le  and  hogs,  beside  a  great  deal 
of  other  property,  that  they  could  not  take  with  them 
to  their  new  homes,  that  they  had  better  sell  all  ex 
cept  what  would  do  them  through  the  winter,  and 
settle  up  their  affairs ;  then  in  the  spring  their  money 
for  their  improvements,  and  their  annuity  of  $3000, 
would  be  paid  them  as  they  would  be  about  to 
start  west. 

They  took  the  advice  of  the  commissioner,  and 
sold  about  two  hundred  head  of  cattle,  about  twelve 
hundred  hogs,  and  many  other  things,  and  with  the 
proceeds,  purchased  clothing,  some  wagons,  guns, 
provisions,  and  the  like,  and  many  of  them  settled 
up  their  debts  with  their  white  neighbors,  so  as  to  be 
in  readiness  to  leave  early  in  the  spring  following. 
But  instead  of  the  money  being  paid  to  them,  and 
they  being  started  on  their  journey  early  in  the  sea 
son,  as  they  expected,  they  did  not  receive  one  cent 
of  their  money  till  fall,  and  were  not  started  on  their 


21 1>  JilSTOKi     OF    THJB 

journey  till  about  the  middle  of  November,  or, 
perhaps,  the  twentieth. 

The  consequence  was,  that  they  had,  by  spring, 
used  up  all  their  provision,  had  no  money,  and  as 
they  were  about  to  leave  the  country,  they  could  not 
get  credit  as  formerly,  and  the  result  was,  that  they 
suffered  greatly  for  several  months  for  want  of  food. 

Indeed,  I  saw  more  real  suffering  during  that 
time  among  the  Shawnees,  for  food,  than  I  had  ever 
expected  to  witness  in  my  whole  life. 

We  lived  among  them,  had  a  number  of  them  at 
school  to  clothe  and  feed,  as  well  as  our  own  family. 

The  Indians  in  their  distress,  would  visit  us  daily, 
and  beg  bread  for  their  children,  for  the  aged  people 
and  the  sick.  Of  course,  we  divided  with  them,  as 
far  as  was  in  our  power,  but  we  had  to  haul  our  pro 
vision  for  more  than  thirty  miles  on  a  very  bad  road, 
after  paying  high  prices  for  it,  and  with  but  limited 
means  to  buy  with  ;  that  we  were  often  hard  run  to 
save  enough  to  secure  ourselves  from  want,  for  while 
we  had  anything,  we  divided  to  the  last.  On  finding 
that  we  could  supply  the  demands  on  our  charity  no 
longer,  I  procured  what  I  supposed,  would  last  my 
family  a  few  days,  and  concluded  to  take  a  wagon 
and  visit  the  Friends  on  the  Miami,  a  distance  of 
eighty  miles,  and  beg  a  load  of  provision  for  the 
children  and  old  people  at  least,  as  well  as  for  my 
own  family.  The  evening  before  I  started  on  this 
journey,  two  aged  women  from  Hog  Creek,  a  dis 
tance  of  about  seventeen  miles,  came  to  our  Mission. 
They  informed  us  that  there  were  some  little  sick 


SJHAVTNEK    INDIANS.  217 

children  in  their  neighborhood,  who  were  suffering 
for  want  of  bread,  and  who  would  die  untess  they 
could  get  some  soon,  and  that  they  had  come  all 
the  way  to  our  house  to  beg  some  for  them.  We 
gave  them  what  we  had,  and  set  something  for  these 
poor,  aged,  hungry  women,  who  objected  to  eating 
anything,  as  they  said  we  could  not  spare  more  than 
we  had  given  them  to  carry  to  these  children;  but 
we  gave  them  supper,  a  good  bed  to  lie  on,  and 
breakfast.  They  were  tired,  and  we  took  care  of 
them;  "they  were  hungry,  and  we  fed  them,"  and 
sent  all  we  dared  to  spare,  to  relieve  the  sick,  and, 
oh  !  how  their  hearts  were  filled  with  thankfulness 
for  this  small  favor;  they  took  leave  of  my  wife, 
(who  did  truly  sympathize  with  them,  and  who,  they 
well  knew,  almost  took  the  bread  from  her  own  chil 
dren  to  give  it  to  theirs,)  with  tears  in  their  eyes,  and 
thanking  her  for  her  kindness  to  them.  Oh  !  how  an 
Indian  who  is  in  want  of  bread  to  allay  hunger,  can 
pour  forth  benedictions  on  those  who  relieve  him. 

Before  leaving  for  this  provision,  I  wrote  to  the 
Secretary  of  War,  as  follows ; 

Friends  Mission  for  the  Shawnees,  Ohio,  Qlk  month, 

10th,  1832. 

Esteemed  Friend. — I  am  still  here,  among  our 
friends,  the  Shawnees,  but  be  assured,  I  am  in  dis 
tress.  Gardner  told  these  Indians,  last  summer,  when 
he  took  their  lands  from  them,  that  he  would  remove 
them  early  this  spring;  that  as  they  had  a  large 
number  of  cattle  and  hogs,  beside  other  property,  they 


HISTORY    OF    Tilii 


had  better  sell  all,  except  what  they  were  obliox-d  to 
take  witli  them,  and  what  would  do  them  through  the 
winter,  and  settle  up  their  affairs;  then  in  the  spring 
their  money  for  their  improvements,  and  their  an 
nuity  of  $3000,  would  be  paid  them,  and  they  be 
immediately  after  that  removed  west.  Well,  they 
took  his  advice — it  is  now  three  months  since  spring, 
and  here  they  are  yet;  their  improvement  money 
not  paid,  nor  their  annuity  either  ;  no  account  when 
they  are  to  get  any  money,  or  when  they  are  to  start 
on  their  journey.  No  money,  their  provision  all 
gone,  and  no  credit.  Nothing  for  them  but  suffering, 
and  that  brought  on  them  by  that  man,  who,  after 
cheating  them  out  of  their  land,  now,  to  complete  the 
business,  is  starving  them  for  daring  to  complain 
against  his  fraudulent  treaty,  and  starve  they  will, 
unless  government  shall  relieve  them  soon. 

We  have  done  all  that  has  been  in  our  power,  to 
relieve  them,  but  what  can  we  do  for  so  many  ?  I 
believe  in  all  sincerity,  that  some  of  them  will — they 
must  starve  to  death,  unless  relief  comes  soon.  There 
are  now  two  old  women  at  our  house,  who  have 
walked  seventeen  miles  to  beg  bread  for  poor,  little, 
sick,  starved  children,  and  what  can  we  do?  we  can 
scarcely  keep  enough  to  do  ourselves.  If  the  In 
dians  are  not  relieved  soon,  I  fear  we  shall  all  starve 
together  ;  we  cannot  help  sharing  with  them  while 
we  have  anything. 

I  almost  wish  I  never  had  seen  this  place.  We 
came  here  at  the  request  of  the  Friends,  to  help  this 
people,  but  what  are  we  witness  to  every  day  ?  people 


INDIANS. 


starving  for  food,  starving  almost  to  death,  and  I 
repeat/that  starve  they  will  with  hunger,  if  not  soon 
relieved. 

I  start  to-morrow  for  Waynesvi-lle,  eighty  mile 
distant,  with  a  wagon,  to  beg  of  the  Friends  a  load 
of  provisions  for  the  children  and  the  sick,  but  I  fear 
my  own  family  will  suffer  in  my  absence,  for  the  In 
dians  will  be  here  during  my  stay,  and  my  wife  will 
divide  the  last  morsel  with  them,  rather  than  they 
should  go  away  hungry. 

Now,  my  friend,  the  Secretary,  to  whom  in  free 
dom  I  have  thus  written,  I  am  sure,  is  made  of  better 
stuff  than  to  let  his  old  friends,  the  Shawnees,  suffer 
with  hunger,  if  it  is  in  his  power  to  relieve  them. 

I  cannot  but  look  for  a  favorable  answer—  pray  do 
not  let  me  be  disappointed. 

Believe  me  as  ever,  thy  friend, 
HENRY  HARVEY 

LEWIS  CASS,  Secretary  of  War, 
Washington  City. 

This  letter  was  forwarded  by  John  Johnston,  with 
a  letter  inclosing'nune,  to  Gen.  Vance  at  Urbana,  and 
by  him  inclosing  both  in  a  letter  of  his  own,  to  Gov. 
Cass  at  Detroit,  where  he  had  gone  on  a  visit  to  his 
daughter;  and  soon  as  the  mail  could  bring  the  re 
turn0  to  Piqua,  Ohio,  orders  were  received  there,  for 
at  once  relieving  the  Shawnees,  and  in  a  few  days 
from  the  receipt  of  the  order  from  the  Secretary, 
about  twenty  beeves,  and  a  large  amount  of  flour 
and  bacon  was  sent  out  by  way  of  our  Mission  to 


£20  HI8TOKY    OF    THE 

Wapaughkonnetta.  The  arrival  of  this  provision  was 
the  first  intimation  the  Shawnees  had,  of  any  relief 
being  asked  for  from  any  source. 

They  all  repaired  to  Wapaughkonnetta  with  their 
families,  and  had  a  full  supply  till  they  were  ready 
to  leave  for  the  west,  and  myself  and  family  had 
plenty  of  the  same  till  we  left,  as  the  Shawnees  did. 

The  Secretary  certainly  acted  nobly  in  this  matter, 
as  did  Gen.  Vance  and  John  Johnston,  both  of  whom 
interested  themselves  so  much  in  behalf  of  the  suffer 
ing  Shawnees. 

On  my  return  from  Waynesville,  (I  may  remark 
here,)  I  brought  a  large  load  of  provision,  which 
afforded  some  relief  till  Governor  Cass'  large  supply 
arrived. 


SHAWNEE    INDIANS. 


CHAPTER    XXXIV. 


As  I  have  given  an  account  of  the  manner  in  which 
this  treaty  was  managed,  I  shall  now  make  a  state 
ment  of  the  offers  the  commissioner  made,  and  the 
price  actually  to  be  paid  them  as  it  stands  in  the 
treaty,  and  any  one  may  then  be  able  to  judge  for 
themselves  whether  the  rights  and  interests  of  the 
Shawnees  were  cared  for  or  not  in  the  arrangements 
made  in  that  treaty. 

Gardner  offered  to  remove  all  the  Shawnees  com 
fortably  to  their  new  homes,  west  of  Missouri,  entirely 
at  the  expense  of  the  United  States,  and  to  support 
them  one  year  after  their  arrival  in  that  country. 

They  were  removed,  to  be  sure,  but  it  was  far  from 
being  comfortably  done,  as  many  of  them  had  to  furnish 
their  own  teams  and  wagons,  and  bear  a  large  part 
of  the  expense  of  the  journey,  and  the  season  being 
so  far  advanced  that  they  were  overtaken  by  the 
winter  long  before  reaching  their  place  of  destination, 
they  consequently  suffered  very  much.  They  were 
fed  on  corn  and  meat  for  one  year  after  their  arrival, 
but  nothing  else  unless  they  procured  it  themselves. 

He  informed  them  that  good  men  should  be  ap 
pointed  to  value  their  improvements,  and  every  cent 


222  HISTORY    OF    THE 

that  they  adjudged  them  to  be  worth,  should  be  paid 
them  in  money,  in  order  to  enable  them  to  make 
farms  in  their  new  country. 

Instead  of  this  course  being  taken,  the  commis 
sioner  only  paid  them  thirteen  thousand  dollars  for 
the  whole  of  their  improvements,  without  ever  having 
seen  a  dozen  of  them  himself,  or  sending  any  other 
person  to  examine  or  fix  a  value  on  them  ;  which 
plainly  showed  that  little  regard  was  paid  to  the  In 
dians.  T-his  was  not  half  the  worth  of  their  farms, 
and  even  the  sum  they  did  receive  for  their  improve 
ments  they  had  to  replace  to  the  United  States  by 
an  article  of  the  treaty,  as  soon  as  their  land  was  sold 
by  the  government,  after  being  surveyed. 

They  were,  by  the  offers  made  them,  to  have  good 
mills  erected  for  them  at  Kanzas,  in  lieu  of  those 
they  had  in  Ohio. 

Government  did  have  mills  erected  for  them  at 
their  new  homes,  as  proposed,  but  charged  the  Shaw- 
nees  six  thousand  dollars  for  them,  and  got  the 
money  too. 

They  were  to  be  furnished  with  grindstones,  cross 
cut  saws,  and  a  number  of  rifles •"  to  shoot  the  buf 
falo,  elk,  and  deer  in  their  new  country  ;"  these  were 
offered  them  as  presents,  in  order  to  induce  them  to 
remove. 

Well,  according  to  agreement,  they  were  furnished 
with  those  articles,  but  had  to  pay  for  them  them 
selves,  contrary  to  the  agreement  in  that  case  made 
and  provided.  Their  large  buffalo  rifles  were  not 
worth  anything  to  them,  for,  contrary  to  information 


«HAWNEE    INDIANS.  223 

given  them  by  the  commissioner,  there  were  no  buf 
falo  or  elk  within  two  hundred  miles  of  their  "new 
home/'  so  they  had  no  use  for  those  guns. 

They  were  promised  houses  for  a  blacksmith,  and 
a  blacksmith-shop,  in  lieu  of  those  they  had  for  that 
purpose  in  Ohio. 

They  were  furnished  such  buildings  at  their  new 
homes,  but  instead  of  receiving  them  in  lieu  of  those 
they  left  in  Ohio,  they  were  charged  six  hundred  and 
forty-four  dollars  for  them,  and  the  government  got 
the  money. 

They  were  promised  one  hundred  thousand  acres 
of  land  adjoining  the  tract  equal  to  fifty  miles  square, 
which  they  held  under  Clark's  treaty  of  1825,  and  to 
have  a  good  general  warranty  *.deed  for  the  same,  in  lieu 
of  the  lands  they  held  at  Wapaughkonnetta,  in  Ohio. 

By  the  treaty,  as  signed  by  these  Indians  without 
hearino-  it  read,  the  government  was  bound  to  make 
them  a  deed,  in  fee-simple,  for  one  hundred  thousand 
acres  of  hind,  which  was  to  be  laid  off  within  the 
tract  of  fifty  miles  square  reserved  to  the  Shawnees, 
in  1825,  by  General  Clark's  treaty. 

By  the  offers  made  by  the  commissioner,  there  was 
to  have  been  a  clause  added  to  the  treaty  binding 
the  government  to  liquidate  all  the  Shawnees'  debts 
out  of  the  money  of  the  United  States,  and  on  this 
egress -condition  they  consented  to  sign  the  treaty. 

There  was  'no  such  clause  ever  inserted  in  the 
treaty  ;  they  were  nearly  all  allowed  by  government 
tvfcer  several  years'  delay,  but  paid  out  of  the  Shaw 


nees   money. 


224  HISTORY    OF    THE 

The  above  constitute  the  principal  items  in  which 
the  Shawnees  lost,  in  reference  to  this  miserable 
treaty  of  1831. 

In  1832,  as  stated  before,  Congress  agreed  to  pay 
them  830,000,  as  an  additional  compensation  for  their 
Ohio  land.  The  demand  they  made  as  an  additional 
sum  for  that  land,  when  at  Washington,  on  account  of 
the  treaty,  was  $100,000,  this  would  leave  yet  as  due 
them,  the  sum  of  $70,000,  which  they  expect  the  gov 
ernment  to  pay  them,  and  which,  in  strict  justice,  it  is 
bound  to  do,  and  which,  it  is  to  be  hoped,  will  one 
day  be  done. 

Some  time  in  the  fall,  the  chiefs  received  a  notice 
from  Gardner  that  the  sum  of  $13,000  was  ready  to 
be  paid  to  them  for  their  improvements,  and  request 
ing  them  to  choose  three  of  their  friends  to  view 
their  improvements  and  make  a  demand  for  the 
money  agreeably  to  the  worth  of  each  man's  farm. 
The  chiefs  selected  three  of  their  friends — of  whom 
I  was  one — -to  attend  to  this  business  for  them. 

This  we  attended  to — several  of  the  chiefs  accom 
panying  us  round  to  all  the  improvements,  ninety-six 
in  number — and  had  the  account  in  readiness  by  the 
lime  the  money  arrived.  The  Indians  were  not  will 
ing  to  receive  the  money  from  Gardner,  as  they  said 
he  cheated  them  once,  and  they  were  afraid  to  trust 
him  again  ;  and  the  money  was  paid  over  by  their 
agent  to  us,  and  we  paid  to  each  claimant  agreeably 
to  the  calculations  we  had  made.  The  sums  paid  out 
raned  from  seven  dollars  to  six  "hundred  dollars, 
chiefs  agreed  with  the  traders  to  set  apart  four 


BHAWNEE    INDIANS.  £25 

thousand  dollars  out  of  their  improvement  funds,  to 
pay  their  debts,  as  far  as  that  sum  would  reach,  and 
the  dividend  we  made  for  improvements  only  reached 
over  nine  thousand  dollars  of  the  thirteen  thousand. 

We  paid  over  to  each  man  (or  woman)  his  or  her 
money  ourselves,  and  when  all  were  paid,  agreeably 
to  our  calculation,  we  had  left  in  our  hands,  twenty 
dollars,  which  we  proposed  to  give  to  the  chiefs,  as 
they  had  spent  several  days  in  company  with  us  when 
we  were  viewing  their  farms.  To  this  all  the  Indians 
at  once  agreed.  After  a  general  consultation  among 
themselves,  Way  weleapy  stepped  up  on  a  bench,  so  he 
could  be  seen  by  the  whole  company,  and  said  :  "  I 
speak  on  behalf  of  all  the  Shaw  nee  people,  and  say  to 
our  friends,  who  have  had  so  much  trouble  in  divid 
ing  our  money  for  our  farms,  that  every  Indian  in 
the  nation  is  well  pleased  with  all  that  they  have 
done.  We  selected  them  to  do  this  business  for  us 
as  we  could  not  do  it  ourselves,  and  because  we 
knew  they  were  our  friends ;  and  they  have  not  de 
ceived  us." 

We  then  paid  over  the  twenty  dollars  to  the  chiefs, 
but  in  a  short  time  they  returned,  and  informed  us 
that  they  had  concluded,  as  John  Wolf  had  been  sick 
for  a  long  time,  and  wished  to  purchase  a  wagon  to 
move  out  west  in,  and  lacked  twenty  dollars  to  ena 
ble  him  to  buy  the  wagon,  he  wanted  us  to  give 
him  the  money  we  had  just  paid  to  them,  if  we  were 
willing.  We  agreed  to  it  at  once,  of  course,  and 
were  much  struck  with  the  simple,  straight- for  ward 
honesty  of  this  much-abused  people,  and  could  ex- 
15 


226  HISTORY    OF    THB 

claim,  how  many  of  our  own  officers,  after  receiving 
only  about  fifty  cents  per  day  and  boarding  them 
selves,  would  thus  take  their  hard-earned  wages  and 
give  it  to  a  neighbor,  in  order  to  help  him  on  account 
of  being  afflicted  !  I  may  remark  that  this  John 
Wolf  was  a  very  industrious,  hard-working  man,  had 
good  possessions  in  Ohio,  and  was  much  grieved  at 
leaving  them.  He  never  recovered  from  his  affliction, 
mentioned  above,  but  lived  and  died  in  Kanzas,  a  poor, 
disheartened  man.  He  realized  what  he  told  me  on 
leaving  Ohio,  that  he  could  never  do  any  more  good 
in  this  world. 

Of  the  four  thousand  dollars  which  was  taken 
from  the  thirteen  thousand  dollars,  which  was  allowed 
to  the  Shawnees  for  their  improvements,  a  very  small 
part  was  applied  in  liquidating  the  debts  of  those 
who  had  the  largest  improvements,  as  these  gener 
ally  were  clear  of  debt,  as,  for  instance,  Oneissimo — 
(alias,  Little  Fox,)  his  improvement,  I  recollect,  was 
valued  at  six  hundred  dollars.  His  brother,  Peai- 
tchtha's  improvement,  at  five  hundred.  William 
Parks'  farm  at  five  hundred,  and  many  others,  who 
were  nearly  clear  from  debt,  were  among  the  most 
valuable  farms  in  the  nation.  If  the  whole  thirteen 
thousand  dollars  had  been  divided  among  the  Shaw- 
nees,  as  the  nine  thousand  was,  these  men  would 
have  received  over  forty  per  cent,  more  for  their 
farms  than  they  did,  after  the  four  thousand  dollars 
was  deducted  from  the  amount  designed  to  pay  for 
their  labor ;  but,  notwithstanding,  they  were  well 
aware  that  they  did  not  owe  nny  part  of  these  debts 


6HAWNEE    INDIANS.  227 

scarcely,  themselves,  and  that  such  a  course,  would 
cause  them  to  directly  contribute  their  own  money 
to  pay  the  debts  of  the  most  indolent  of  their  people, 
even  to  the  wronging  of  themselves  and  their  fami 
lies,  still,  the,y  did  it  without  a  murmur. 

Now,  I  should  like  to  see  the  matter  brought  up 
among  our  own  people,  as  it  was  with  the  Shawnees, 
and  see  if  we  would  act  as  they  did  in  this  matter. 

About  the  first  of  the  ninth  month  Gardner  arrived 
at  Wapaughkonnetta,  in  order  to  remove  the  Shaw- 
nees  to  their  new  homes.  He  informed  them  that  he 
should  take  them  by  way  of  Bellefontaine,  Urbana, 
Xcjnia,  Lebanon,  and  Lawreneeburgh,  (which  would 
have  been  at  least  one  hundred  and  fifty  miles  of 
unnecessary  travel).  The  chiefs  told  him  that  they 
knew  the  road  to  their  new  homes  as  well  as  he  did; 
that  they  would  go  by  Greenville,  Richmond,  and 
Indianapolis,  which  was  a  straight  road,  and  directly 
in  the  right  course  ;  but  to  go  the  route  he  had  pro 
posed,  they  never  would.  He  continued  to  urge 
them  until  they  refused  to  hear  him  any  longer  on 
the  subject.  A  young  man  from  West  Point,  who 
was  sent  out,  I  believe,  as  a  disbursing  agent  to 
Gardner,  got  up  on  a  bench  and  made  a  very  flowery 
speech  to  the  Indians,  urging  them,  in  the  most 
earnest  manner,  to  take  Gardner's  advice  and  go  the 
route  he  had  proposed  to  them — telling  them  that  if 
it  was  further  it  would  cost  them  nothing,  as  govern 
ment  would  pay  all  expense,  and  by  going  this  route 
they  would  get  to  see  several  fine  towns,  fine  houses 
and  faims  on  the  road,  as  well  as  many  white  people '. 


228  HISTORY    OF    THE 

a  great  deal  more  than  to  go  their  own  route.  He 
ended  his  speech,  at  which  the  chiefs  manifested  to 
the  young  man  to  be  highly  pleased,  and  told  him 
that  they  would  counsel  together  that  night,  among 
themselves,  and  answer  him  about  ten  o'clock  in  the 
morning.  The  young  man  was  highly  pleased  with 
what  he  considered  he  had  effected  on  the  minds  of  the 
chiefs  by  his  speech,  and  waited,  no  doubt,  impatiently, 
for  ten  o'clock  next  morning  to  arrive,  to  bring  out 
the  result  of  his  effort. 

Next  morning,  when  the  council  met,  the  chiefs,  in 
a  very  friendly  manner,  smoked  with  the  commis 
sioner  and  his  young  friend  for  some  time.  At  length 
Wayweleapy  arose  with  great  dignity,  and  remarked, 
in  as  solemn  a  tone  as  he  could,  that  he  was  very 
much  pleased  to  meet  his  two  friends  this  morning ; 
that  the  chiefs  had  counseled  a  long  time,  last  night, 
about  what  his  young  friend  had  said  to  them  in  his 
speech,  and  that  now  he  hoped  all  would  be  done 
about  right,  and  they  would  have  no  more  trouble. 
Then,  observing  the  young  man  to  be  very  much 
elated  in  his  mind,  on  account  of  his  success,  as  he 
imagined,  the  speaker  turned  to  Gardner,  and  very 
gravely  remarked  to  him  :  "My  friend,  we,  the 
chiefs,  are  old  men ;  have  been  in  council  with  such 
men  as  Governor  Cass  and  John  Johnston  :  tell  the 
President,  we  don't  do  business  with  boys.  Now,  my 
friend,  I  have  no  more  to  say." 

When  the  speaker  concluded  his  remarks,  one  gen 
eral  burst  of  laughter  arose  from  the  Indians,  as  well 


8HAWNSE    INDIANS.  229 

as  the  whites  present,  (as  it  was  spoken  in  both  lan 
guages,)  which  continued  for  some  time,  at  the  ex 
pense  of  the  young  man,  who  appeared  mortified, 
but  did  not  reply  one  word,  and  soon  left  the  house 
and  started  for  Lewistown,  to  the  great  merriment  of 
the  Indians. 


230  HISTORY    OF    THE 


CHAPTER  XXXV. 


SOON  as  the  Shawnees  could  make  ready,  after 
receiving  their  money,  they  set  off  with  heavy  hearts 
on  their  journey  of  eight  hundred  miles,  across  the 
open  prairie,  a  great  part  uninhabited,  about  the  20th 
of  the  ninth  month  ;  that  is,  those  who  belonged  to 
the  Wapaughkonnetta  band,  about  four-fifths  of  the 
whole  number  of  the  tribe,  but  the  others  would  not 
remove  until  the  following  spring. 

It  was  sorrowful  to  see  those  poor  souls,  as  they 
were  leaving  their  homes  and  native  land,  to  seek 
another  they  knew  nothing  about,  as  they  cast  their 
last  look  at  their  favored  spot — at  old  Wapaughkon 
netta — where  they  had  reared  up  dwellings  with  their 
own  hands,  planted  orchards,  and  raised  cattle, 
horses,  and  hogs — wnere  they  had  good  homes,  and 
above  all,  were  content ;  but  now,  contrary  to  their 
will,  they  had  to  leave  all  that  was  dear  on  earth  to 
them,  and  seek  a  home  far  away,  and,  as  is  ever  the 
case  with  the  Indians,  they  lamented  most  for  having 
to  leave  the  graves  of  fathers,  mothers,  brothers, 
sisters,  and  children,  to  the  mercy  of  a  people  who, 
while  living,  cared  little  for  them,  and  would  care 
less  for  their  dead.  In  their  journey,  they  passed  by 


BHAWSBE    INDIANS  £31 

our  Mission ;  all  called  and  took  their  )ast  farewell, 
and  many  of  them  wept  bitterly  as  they  left  us,  and 
in  despair,  would  declare  that  they  considered  they 
were  an  undone  people ;  that  their  land  was  gone  ; 
their  homes  and  all  they  had  to  support  their  families 
on,  gone  ;  that  the  winter  would  overtake  them  before 
they  could  reach  their  new  homes,  and  they  feared 
their  women  and  children  would  perish  ;  and  if  they 
should  get  other  improvements  in  their  new  country, 
they  should  never  again  have  assurance  that  govern 
ment  would  let  them  keep  them,  since  they  had  taken 
their  lands  in  Ohio  from  them. 

They  were  poorly  fitted  out  for  the  journey,  at  that 
late  season  of  the  year,  and  they  knew  right  well 
that,  when  they  arrived  at  their  place  of  destination, 
they  would  have  no  shelter  for  their  families,  and 
what  few  people  were  there  would  be  strangers  to 
them,  and  that  considering  the  condition  they  were 
then  in — all  ages  and  classes,  from  a  hundred  years 
old  (for  I  knew  a  woman  then  living,  who  was  one 
hundred  and  five  years  old,  who  had  to  leave  Ohio) 
to  the  infant  not  two  days  old  —  all  had  to  leave  at 
the  bidding  of  the  white  man  j^nick  or  well,  prepared 
or  unprepared,  this  people — who  were  once  a  free 
people  —  had  now  to  obey  their  masters;  all  they 
could  say,  or  all  they  can  yet  say  is  of  no  avail,  and 
of  what  use  is  it  to  lament  over  their  fate  when  a 
stronger  power  has  them  under  its  control  ?  As  they 
have  to  leave  their  homes  at  the  demands  of  the 
stronger  power,  all  they  can  do  is  to  plead  for  mercy, 
in  their  present  unsettled  and  ruined  condition, 


$32  HISTORY    OF    THB 

and  in  feelings  of  despair,  appeal  to  us  in  language 
like  the  following: 

Oh !  listen  to  a  people's  cry 

You  've  wronged  for  many  a  year; 
No  more  let  interest  shroud  your  eyes, 

Nor  avarice  close  your  ears. 
From  many  a  mountain  altar 

It  swells  on  many  a  breeze; 
Oh  !  let  your  stout  hearts  falter 

To  accents  such  as  these. 
Did  we  not  own  this  glorious  land, 

Each  mountain,  lake,  and  river? 
Were  they  not  from  Thy  sacred  hand 

Our  heritage  forever? 
Where  tombs  arise  and  harvests  wave 

Our  children  used  to  stray; 
We  cannot  find  our  fathers'  graves— 
Our  fathers !  where  are  they  ? 
Like  snow  before  Thy  fiery  glance — 

Like  dew  in  the  garment's  ray, 
Like  bubbles,  that  on  the  ocean  dance, 

Our  tribes  are  swept  away. 
Father  of  Heaven  !  we  faint,  we  fall, 

Like  leaves  on  some  lonely  flood, 
And  the  earth,  beneath  our  conquerors'  hall, 

Still  reeks ^ith  thy  children's  blood! 

They  arrived  at  their  new  homes  about  Christmas, 
after  having  traveled  a  great  distance  through  the 
snow  in  that  cold,  open,  prairie  country;  but  as  they 
expected,  found  no  shelter  for  their  families  to  winter 
in,  and  had  to  live  in  tents  until  they  had  time  to 
erect  cabins,  which  they  did  as  soon  as  the  weather 
would  admit. 


SHAWNEE    INDIANS.  235 

Gardner,  the  commissioner  who  made  the  treaty 
with  the  Shawnees  (or  more  properly  speaking,  for 
them)  superintended  the  removal  of  the  tribe  as  far 
as  to  the  Mississippi  river,  but  he  so  much  neglected 
his  duty  in  providing  for  them,  that  he  had  to  leave 
them  and  return  home. 

The  band  of  Hog  Creek  Shawnees  removed  out 
the  next  summer  after  the  others  did.  They  were 
well  taken  care  of  by  Joseph  Parks,  who  got  the  job 
of  removing  them,  and  he  did  his  duty,  and  they  all 
arrived  in  safety  and  without  suffering ;  which  would 
have  been  the  case  with  the  first  company  if  they 
had  been  removed  early  in  the  season,  as  they  were 
told  would  be  the  case,  and  had  had  a  feeling,  honest 
man  to  remove  them. 


£34  BISTORT    Of    THJS 


CHAPTEK   XXXVI. 


THREE  of  us  visited  them,  early  the  next  summer, 
and  found  nearly  all  of  them  in  cabins.  Many  of 
them  had  made  rails,  inclosed  grounds,  and  planted 
some  corn  and  beans,  and  procured  some  stock.  The 
purpose  of  our  visit  to  them  was  to  offer  to  erect 
buildings  and  establish  a  school  among  them.  We 
had  them  collected  in  council,  on  the  occasion,  and 
informed  them  that  we  had  sold  our  farm  and  other 
property  in  Ohio,  where  we  had  taught  their  child 
ren,  and  wished  to  apply  the  proceeds  to  a  like 
purpose  at  their  present  homes,  if  they  desired  it, 
and  that  we  wanted  none  of  their  money,  but  would 
do  it  all  at  our  own  expense,  as  we  had  ever  done, 
only  we  wanted  to  have  a  farm  as  large  as  we  might 
need  and  timber  TO  keep  it  up.  To  these  propositions 
they  at  once  consented. 

In  the  fall,  the  Hog  Creek  band  arrived  from 
Ohio.  They  were  removed  under  the  care  of  Joseph 
Parks,  and  by  him  were  well  cared  for  and  removed 
very  comfortably.  The  Shawnees,  of  course,  raised 
very  little  grain,  that  season,  and  no  meat.  As  th'ey 
arrived  the  winter  before,  and  had  their  houses  to 
build  and  rails  to  split,  they  had  but  little  time  to 


6HAWNEE    INDIANS.  235 

raise  food  for  winter.  Their  year's  supply  ended  at 
Christmas,  and  there  was  no  game;  consequently 
they  saw  no  way  to  sustain  their  families  until  they 
could  raise  a  supply  in  the  spring  of  1 834.  I  received 
a  letter  from  the  chiefs,  certified  by  their  agent,  stat 
ing  that  they  were  in  a  suffering  condition  for  want 
of*  provisions,  and  asking  help  from  us.  On  the 
receipt  of  the  information  contained  in  the  letter,  I 
forwarded  it  to  General  Vance  and  requested  him  to 
bring  their  situation  before  Congress  and  ask  relief 
fronTthe  government,  which  he  did,  and  asked  that 
five  thousand  dollars  should  be  appropriated  for  the 
relief  of  the  Shawnees ;  but  in  this  he  failed. 

The  subject  was  laid  before  the  Friends  with  better 
success.  A  large  amount  of  bacon  and  flour  was 
contributed  to  their  relief  and  shipped  to  Indepen 
dence,  to  the  care  of  the  United  States'  agent,  who 
judiciously  distributed  it  to  those  who  were  unable 
to  procure  any  provisions  for  themselves. 

Two  of  us  again  visited  the  Shawnees  in  the 
spring,  to  have  buildings  erected  in  order  to  resume 
a  school.  We  had  them  collected  in  a  general  coun 
cil,  and  proposed  to  them  to  seltet  a  site  for  us  to 
erect  a  house  and  inclose  a  farm,  and  in  order  that 
all  might  be  conducted  in  harmony,  we  proposed  to 
mark  out  a  tract,  including  as  much  prairie  as  we 
thought  would  be  sufficient  for  farming  purposes, 
and  'as  much  timbered  land  adjoining  it  as  we  might 
apprehend  we  should  ever  need  for  all  purposes.  ^ 

After  they  had  consulted  until  the  next  morning, 
they   informed   us,   that  they   had    agreed   to   our 


236  HISTORY    OF   THE 

proposition  so  far  as  to  point  out  the  place,  if  that 
would  suit  us,  but  if  not,  we  might  select  a  place  our 
selves  ;  but  as  to  the  other  proposal,  they  were  not 
satisfied,  for  if  they  were  to  mark  off  a  piece  of  land, 
as  we  wished,  it  would  look  bad — it  would  look  as  if 
they  were  afraid  to  trust  their  friends  who  had  done 
so  much  for  them,  but  that  they  would  say  just 
nothing  about  how  much  we  were  to  have,  but  leave 
us  to  farm  as  much  prairie  as  we  might  wish  to,  and 
go  anywhere  on  their  land  and  cut  as  much  timber 
as  we  should  want.  To  this  we  agreed,  and  the 
chiefs  and  we  signed  an  article  to  tha.t  effect.  After 
spending  several  days  very  pleasantly  with  them  and 
in  making  arrangements  for  erecting  a  dwelling  and 
school-house,  we  returned  to  Ohio. 


8HAWNEB    INDIANS,  237 


CHAPTER    XXXVII. 


I  RECEIVED  a  letter  from  the  Shawnees,  informing 
me,  that,  of  the  payment  of  two  thousand  dollars 
annually  for  fifteen  years,  by  the  Act  of  Congress  of 
1832,  "  as  an  additional  compensation  for  their  reser 
vations  at  Wapaughkonnetta  and  Hog  Creek, "  they 
had  never  yet  received  one  cent ;  that  they  had  con 
cluded  to  send  a  delegation  to  Washington  City,  on 
the  subject,  and  asking  me  to  write  them  a  letter  and 
inform  them  which  of  their  chiefs,  and  the  number,  I 
thought  should  compose  the  delegation.  I  consulted 
Thomas  Corwin,  who  was  about  to  start  to  Washing 
ton.  Being  a  member  of  Congress  at  that  time,  he 
undertook  to  attend  to  their  business.  As  soon  as  he 
arrived  at  Washington,  he  laid  the  subject  before  the 
Secretary  of  War,  who  informed  him  by  a  note, 
(which  he  sent  to  me,)  "  that  at  the  time  the  Act 
was  passed,  the  understanding  was,  that  it  was  to  pay 
the  Shawnee  debts,  and  as  only  about  four  hundred 
dollars  of  those  debts  were  allowed  to  be  just,  the 
Department  had  come  to  the  conclusion  to  pay  out  no 
more,  as  the  purpose  Congress  had  in  passing  that 
bill,  was  answered."  Corwin  replied  to  him,  "  that 
as  the  Act  specified  no  such  thing  as  paying  debts, 


238  HISTORY    OF    THE 

but  simply  an  act  as  an  additional  compensation  for 
their  lands,  no  such  construction  could  be  sustained," 
and  that  he  should  bring  the  subject  before  Congress. 
He  then  requested  me  to  send  the  Shawnees  word, 
not  to  come  to  Washington,  as  the  government  would 
not  pay  their  expenses  ;  but  to  inform  them,  that  he 
would  attend  to  their  business  for  them. 

This  he  did,  and  carried  an  amendment  to  the 
"  Indian  Appropriation  Bill,"  granting  eight  thou 
sand  dollars,  that  being  the  amount  due  them,  up  to 
that  period. 

This  amount  was  promptly  paid,  leaving  them 
still  eleven  payments,  amounting  to  twenty-two  thou 
sand  dollars.  But  sometime  after  this,  government 
admitted  a  claim  which  had  been  rejected  by  the 
Indian  department,  and  which  originated  prior  to  the 
treaty  of  1831,  (and  which,  the  Shawnees  under 
stood,  was  to  be  paid  out  of  government  funds,)  to 
be  paid  out  of  the  money  granted  as  the  additional 
compensation  on  account  of  the  fraudulent  treaty  of 
1831.  Thus  were  four  of  the  fifteen  annual  pay 
ments  of  two  thousand  dollars  each,  taken  by  govern 
ment  from  these  people,  and  paid  over  to  one  of  the 
traders,  and  this  was  a  part  of  one  of  the  very  claims 
which  the  commissioners  declared,  that,  if  the  chiefs 
would  sign  the  treaty,  the  government  should  pay. 
But,  alas  !  how  little  regard  was  paid  to  the  faith  of 
our  nation,  or  to  the  wants  of  these  poor  people. 


•HAW2TEE    INDIANS. 


839 


CHAPTER  XXXVIII. 


EARLY  in  the  summer,  a  family  was  sent  by  the 
Friends,  to  superintend  our  Mission,  then  to  be  put 
into  operation,  and  a  teacher  was  also  procured,  and 
a  school  organized,  which  continued  for  near  three 
years.  The  Indians  improved  fast,  in  the  arts  of 
civilization.  Two  other  schools  were  commenced 
about  the  same  time,  one  of  which  was  small,  but 
well-conducted,  and  under  the  care  of  the  Baptists ; 
and  the  other,  a  large,  well-conducted  school,  under 
the  care  of  the  Methodist  Church.  These  schools 
afforded  the  Indians  an  opportunity  of  having  their 
children  well  educated,  free  of  cost. 

About  this  time,  or  in  the  year  1834,  the  United 
States  undertook  to  drive  the  Seminole  Indians  by 
force,  into  a  treaty,  in  order  to  obtain  their  lands  in 
Florida,  and  then  settle  them  in  the  Indian  territory, 
west  of  the  State  of  Missouri.  This  was  a  trouble 
some  affair,  and  seemed  from  the  nature  of  the  coun 
try,  to  be  more  than  they  were  able  to  accomplish  ; 
for  the  Indians  penetrated  deep  into  the  swamps, 
where  the  soldiers  are  neither  able  to  follow,  or  drive 
them  out. 


$40  HISTORY   OF    THK 

It  was  at  length  concluded,  that  it  would  take 
some  of  their  own  kind  of  people  to  accomplish  what 
our  enlightened  race  had  failed  to  do. 

The  Shawnees  and  Delawares  were  each  levied  on 
for  a  company,  and  a  high  reward  was  offered  for 
volunteers  from  these  tribes.  About  eighty  men 
were  raised,  and  transported  to  the  Seminole  country, 
as  the  Hessians  were,  by  England,  in  the  time  of  the 
revolutionary  war,  to -fight  against  a  people  who  had 
never  injured  them,  and  to  whom,  they  were  entire 
strangers. 

After  an  absence  of  six  months,  they  all  returned, 
but  one  of  them  had  his  arm  badly  shot  by  a  Sem 
inole.  Very  few  of  them  received  the  amount  of 
pay  offered  them  at  the  time  they  undertook  the 
service. 


INDIA**.  24 1 


CHAPTER   XXXIX 


THE  school  under  the  care  of  the  Friends,  was  sus 
pended  for  a  few  months  in  the  winter  of  1839-40, 
on  account  of  the  absence  of  the  teacher,  and  the 
affliction  of  the  family  of  the  superintendent. 

In  the  spring,  I  arrived  in  their  country  with  my 
family  and  a  teacher,  and  took  charge  of  the  Mission, 
and  commenced  a  school,  which  was  soon  tilled  with 
very  interesting  children. 

The  children  being  very  destitute  of  clothing,  as 
well  as  bed-clothes,  I  gave  the  information  of  their 
needy  condition,  to  the  young  Friends  of  Baltimore, 
with  an  account  of  the  very  interesting  school  we 
had ;  in  return  for  which,  we  received  about  one 
hundred  and  fifty  dollars  worth  of  the  most  valuable 
clothes,  ready-made,  material  for  clothes,  books,  etc. 
We  also  received  several  hundred  dollars  worth  from 
the  Friends  of  Ohio  and  Indiana. 
16 


242  HISTORY    OF    THE 


CHAPTER  XL. 


IN  the  year  1841,  there  was  a  treaty  held  at  Upper 
Sandusky,  in  Ohio,  with  the  Wyandots,  who  held  a 
reservation  which  the  United  States  wished  to  ex 
change  for  land  in  the  Indian  territory.  To  this  pro 
position,  the  Wyandots  would  not  agree,  unless  they 
could  get  a  tract  six  miles  wide  off  the  Shawnees,  at 
the  east  end  of  their  land,  and  the  same  amount  of 
the  Delawares.  This  was  of  the  best  land  the  Shaw 
nees  held,  and  lay  adjoining  the  State  of  Missouri, 
for  a  distance  of  twenty-fire  miles,  including  a  large 
number  of  their  improvements,  and  all  three  of  their 
Missions  ;  yet,  strange  as  it  may  appear,  they,  strongly 
urged  by  some  of  their  leading  men,  who  were  con 
nected  with  the  traders,  agreed  to  sell.  A  letter  was 
sent  to  them  by  the  commissioner  who  was  to  treat 
with  the  Wyandots,  urging  them  in  the  strongest 
terms,  to  sell. 

He  informed  them,  that  many  years  ago,  the  Shaw 
nees  were  destitute  of  a  home,  and  the  Wyandots 
gave  them  one,  and  did  many  kind  actions  for  them, 
and  now  was  their  time  to  repay  them. 

The  letter  from  the  commissioner  was  brought  by 
the  chiefs  to  our  Mission,  according  to  the  request  of 


8KAWNEE    INDIANS.  £48 

the  writer.  About  seventy  of  the  principal  men  of  A 
the  Shawnees  and  Delaware  nations  were  present. 
When  the  letter  was  read,  making  known  that  the 
desire  of  the  commissioner  was  for  them  to  give  the 
Wyandots  a  tract  of  land  off  the  Shawnee  reserva 
tion,  amounting  to  one  hundred  and  fifty  square 
miles,  and  nearly  as  much  from  the  Dela  wares,  and 
assuring  them,  that  the  Wyandots  would  make  them 
a  handsome  present  for  it,  but  informing  them  that 
our  government  would  not  purchase  it  of  them,  and 
reminding  them  of  former  favors  bestowed  by  the 
Wyandots,  in  giving  them  a  home,  when  they  were 
without  one,  this  caused  a  great  sensation  in  the 
minds  of  all  the  Delawares  present,  and  all  of  the 
Shawnees,  except  a  few,  who  were  connected  with  the 
Wyandots,  or  under  the  influence  of  certain  traders, 
who  thought  the  Wyandots  would  bring  a  large  sum 
of  money  with  them  ;  and  as  they  had  now  got  all 
the  Shawnees'  money,  it  would  be  better  suited  to 
their  interest,  to  push  the  Shawnees  aside,  and  let 
the  Wyandots  take  their  place.  This  was  their 
policy.  There  was  a  stormy  time  in  council,  for  one 
day.  Some  few  urged  the  measure,  and  those  few 
were  confined  entirely  to  those  who  had  recently 
come  from  Ohio,  and  who  had  never  paid  anything 
for  this  land,  but  merely  held  a  claim  upon  it, 
through  the  kind  indulgence  of  those  who  had  pur 
chased  it. 

Those  of  the  Shawnees,  who  had  formerly  lived 
at  Cape  Girardeau,  made  vehement  indignation 
speeches.  They  cast  very  severe  and  just  reflection* 


244  HISTORY    OF    THH 

on  their  brethren  from  Ohio  who  manifested  so  much 
liberality  in  giving  away  land,  for  which  they  had 
never  paid  one  cent.  They  were  very  severe  upon 
the  government  for  urging  them  to  give  away  their 
land  to  these  people,  because  it  was  said  they  had, 
in  times  past,  done  so  much  for  them.  Among  the 
most  prominent  speakers  who  opposed  the  measure, 
was  Peter  Cornstalk,  a  very  old  man,  and  son  of  the 
celebrated  chief,  Cornstalk,  a  conspicuous  character  in 
the  Governor  Dunmore  war.  He  declared  that  he  was 
as  old  a  man  as  the  commissioner  was,  and  that  he 
did  not  believe  one  word  he  said  about  the  Wyandots 
having  done  so  much  for  the  Shawnees.  He  thought 
it  very  strange  that  government  could  remember  so 
much  the  Wyandots  had  done  for  them  and  he  know 
nothing  about  it. 

"Strange,"  said  he,  "I  must  have  been  asleep  a 
long  time."  "  Well,"  he  continued,  "  the  Wyandots 
have  given  the  United  States  a  great  deal  of  land ; 
the  United  States  have  land  plenty — more,  by  far, 
than  the  Shawnees  have — and  he  would  propose  that 
they  just  give  the  Wyandots  a  little,  and  not  beg  it 
of  the  Shawnees  for  them."  He  declared  they  should 
not  have  one  foot  of  their  land. 

This  chief,  although,  I  supposed  him  to  be  upward 
of  eighty  years  of  age,  appeared  strong  and  well, 
was  a  very  fluent  and  powerful  speaker,  and  although 
Way  weleapy  was  somewhat  his  superior  in  speaking, 
and,  withal,  very  desirous  of  accommodating  the 
Wyandots  and  his  old  friend,  the  commissioner,  after 
hearing  the  determined  and  masterly  speech  of  this 


8HA.WNES    INDIANS.  245 

ancient,  resolute  chief,  in  which  himself  and  several 
of  the  Ohjo  band  were  roughly  handled,  and  indeed 
threatened,  he  became  silent  and  did  not  attempt  a 
reply.  Peter  Cornstalk  was  a  war-chief,  and  being 
an  exciting  speaker,  was  chosen  to  defend  their 
rights.  Several  of  the  Ohio  chiefs,  among  whom 
were  Little  Fox  and  Pamothaway  (George  Williams), 
opposed  the  measure  very  obstinately.  George  Wil 
liams  denied  the  statement  set  forth  by  the  commis 
sioner,  that  the  Wyandots  had  given  the  Shawnees 
an  acre  of  land.  He  went  into  a  full  history  about 
the  Shawnees  once  being  offered  a  large  tract  of  land 
by  the  Wyandots,  for  them  to  live  and  hunt  on,  to 
pay  them  for  helping  to  fight  the  Kentuckians ;  but 
as  soon  as  the  war  was  over,  they  were  driven  away. 
This  account,  he  said,  he  made  from  what  old  men 
had  told  him ;  and  his  account  agrees  with  what  we 
read,  on  that  subject,  in  the  government  papers. 

Before. the  debate  closed,  the  parties  became  so 
warm  on  the  subject,  that  John  Perry,  head  chwf,  in 
a  few  words  dissolved  the  council. 

In  a  few  days,  however,  those,  who  were  in  favor 
of  the  measure,  held  another  council,  at  the  agency. 
I  attended  this  council  and  did  all  in  my  power  to 
prevent  anything  being  done  in  the  matter,  as  I  was 
very  sure,  if  there  was,  some  of  these  men  would  be 
put  to  death.  This  I  had  reason  to  believe,  from 
what  some  of  their  best  men  had  frequently  declared 
to  me. 

In  this  last  council  they  seemed  really  to  give  the 
matter  up,  but  in  a  few  days  a  few  of  the  leaders  in 


24G  HISTORY    OF    THE 

the  business  were  prevailed  upon  by  some  traders, 
who,  I  learned,  offered  the  head  chief  one  thousand 
dollars  if  he  would  push  the  matter.  Accordingly  a 
paper  was  prepared,  signed  by  himself  and  a  few 
others,  and  sent  to  the  commissioner  at  Upper  San- 
dusky,  Ohio,  informing  him  that  the  Shawnees  had 
agreed  to  the  proposition,  and  appointed  a  delegate 
to  start  for  the  same  place  in  a  few  days.  This  I 
learned  from  one  of  them,  as  he  was  returning  from 
the  post-office,  where  he  had  been  to  mail  the 
papers. 

On  my  return  I  found  several  of  the  chiefs,  who 
had  opposed  the  measure,  awaiting  my  arrival.  They 
had  heard  of  the  course  pursued  by  the  other  party, 
and  I  then  told  them  all  I  had  learned  about  it.  One 
of  the  chiefs  wept  like  a  child ;  he  told  me  that  he 
was  one  hundred  and  ten  years  old  ;  that  his  name 
was  Crane,  and  that  he  was  one  of  those  chiefs  who 
made  the  treaty  with  Governor  Clark  at  St. -Louis,  in 
1825,  for  that  very  land  which  the  others  were  sell 
ing  or  giving  away.  He  showed  me  the  treaty, 
which  he  had  in  his  possession,  with  his  name  to  it, 
and  asked  me  to  assist  them  in  preventing  the  sale 
of  their  land. 

In  a  few  days  Little  Fox  brought  an  interpreter 
with  him  and  begged  me  to  assist  them  in  stopping 
the  proceedings ;  he  declared  that,  if  the  Wyandots 
got  their  land,  they  would  kill  the  chiefs  who  had 
done  that  act.  He  said  that  he  had  a  good  farm,  his 
brother  had,  his  sister  had,  and  Billy  Parks  had,  as 
well  as  many  others,  and  that  they  would  die  before 


SHAWNEE    ISDIAN8.  247 

they  would  leave  them.  On  the  next  day,  one  of  the 
chiefs  came  and  requested  me  to  meet  them  in  coun 
cil  on  the  following  day,  at  Peter  Cornstalk's.  I 
accordingly  attended,  and  on  my  arrival  there,  I 
found  them  assembled  to  the  number  of  one  hundred, 
and  seated  in  order.  When  I  entered,  the  chiefs 
arose  and  shook  hands  with  me,  then  resumed  their 
seats  without  uttering  a  word.  All  remained  silent 
until  Cornstalk  arose  and  delivered  a  speech  declar 
ing  their  determination  never  to  leave  their  homes, 
and  saying  many  other  things  similar  in  meaning  to 
what  he  had  said  at  the  first  council,  all  of  which  I 
wrote  down.  The  Shawnees,  present  at  this  council, 
were  composed  mostly  of  the  Missouri  band,  and 
were  very  much  enraged  at  what  had  been  done  by 
the  Ohio  band.  Apprehending  that  serious  mischief, 
if  not  arrested,  would  befall  those  chiefs  who  had 
urged  this  matter  to  such  a  hasty  conclusion,  I  in 
formed  them  that,  if  they  would  all  now  agree  to 
drop  the  matter,  I  would  endeavor  to  stop  the  whole 
proceedings,  but  if  they  would  not  now  pledge  them 
selves  to  me,  that  they  would  not  hurt  any  of  those 
who  had  done  this  bad  act,  until  time  was  allowed  to 
send  a  letter  to  Ohio  and  get  an  answer,  that  I  would 
do  no  more  in  the  matter;  but  if  they  would,  and 
leave  all  to  me,  I  thought  that  I  could  have  the  mat 
ter  stopped.  I  told  t^e^m  that  I  would  send  their 
speeches  and  a  letter  of  mjr  own  to  the  commissioner 
at  Sandusky ;  that  I  knew,  him  as  one  of  the  best 
men  living,  and  that,  if  he  were  acquainted  with 


548  HISTORY    OF    THE 

their  distressing  situation,  he  would  at  once  stop  the 
whole  proceedings.  I  also  told  them  that,  in  my 
letter,  I  would  tell  him  all  about  their  troubles,  and 
I  knew  that  he  would  believe  me.  They  all  pledged 
themselves  that  they  would  do  as  I  wished,  and  the 
council  closed.  They  were  true  to  their  promise,  and 
I  heard  no  more  complaint  from  them. 

I  wrote  to  the  commissioner,  giving  him  a  detailed 
account  of  the  whole  affair,  and  transmitted  to  him 
the  speech  of  Cornstalk.  He  received  my  communi 
cation  the  day  before  the  treaty  with  the  Wyandots 
was  to  be  held — the  account  from  the  party  favorable 
to  the  sale,  or  gift  of  the  land  to  that  tribe,  having 
reached  him  a  few  days  previous. 

After  having  received  my  papers,  he  wrote  me  an 
answer,  the  contents  of  which  he  wished  me  to  make 
the  Shawnees  acquainted  with,  stating  that,  on  the 
receipt  of  the  letter  from  the  Ohio  chiefs,  which  letter 
being  approved  by  the  agent,  he  convened  the  Wyan- 
dot  chiefs  and  informed  them  that  they  could  be  ac 
commodated  with  land  by  the  Shawnees,  and  that  he 
now  wished  to  conclude  the  treaty,  for  which  purpose 
he  had  a  house  filled  with  bacon,  beef,  tobacco,  and 
flour,  but  just  at  that  time  he  received  my  letter. 
He  called  the  chiefs  together  and  read  the  letter  to 
them,  and  told  them  that  he  had  now  got  the  true 
state  of  matters  regarding  the  Shawnees,  and  that  he 
would  not  go  another  step  in  the  matter,  as  he  could 
not  be  the  means  of  bringing  trouble  on  the  Shaw 
nees,  and  then  dismissed  the  council.  He  immedi- 


EIIAWNEE    INDIANS.  249 

ately  sent  the  account  of  what  had  transpired  to  mo, 
•which  I  made  known  to  the  Shawnees,  and  then 
they  let  the  matter  rest;  but  the  delegation  being 
ignorant  of  what  had  been  sent  to  Sandusky  City, 
fitted  out  and  went  on  their  mission,  but  they  were 
too  late.  They  returned  and  gave  the  matter  up, 
but  the  Wyandots  succeeded  in  procuring  some  land 
from  the  Delawares. 


250  HISTORY    OF    THE 


CHAPTER  ILL 


IN  the  spring  of  1842  I  left  the  Shawnee  country, 
and  returned,  with  my  family,  to  Ohio,  having,  with 
my  family,  spent  two  years  with  them  at  Wapaugh- 
konnetta,  at  a  time  when  they  underwent  an  abun 
dance  of  trouble,  and  enduring  some  suffering,  and 
having  been,  in  several  instances,  instrumental  in 
rendering  them  some  assistance,  and  twice  visiting 
them  at  their  far-distant  homes,  when  among  strangers; 
and  now,  after  mingling  again  with  them,  as  I  did, 
and  having  taught,  or  kept  up  a  large  school  to  their 
satisfaction,  they  were  very  loth  to  give  us  up.  I 
did  not  let  them  know,  until  a  short  time  before  we 
left,  of  our  prospect  of  leaving  them.  When  they 
learned  that  it  was  our  intention  soon  to  leave  them, 
we  were  visited  almost  daily,  by  some  of  them.  One 
of  the  chiefs  visited  us,  and  brought  an  interpreter 
with  him.  He  told  us  that  they  had  held  a  large 
council  on  the  subject,  at  which  many  of  their  women 
were  present,  and  that  they  had  sent  him  to  us  with 
their. last  farewell.  He  had  my  family  all  collected 
in  the  house  to  themselves.  After  having  been 
seated  in  silence  for  some  time,  he  shook  hands  with 
us  all,  and  then  said:  "  My  brother  and  my  sister,  I 


6HAWXEB    INDIANS.  251 

am  now  about  to  speak  for  all  our  young  men,  and 
for  all  of  our  women  and  children,  and  in  their  name 
to  bid  you  farewell.  They  could  not  all  come — it 
would  be  too  much  trouble  to  you  to  have  them  all 
here  at  one  time — so  I  have  been  sent  with  their  mes 
sage.  I  was  directed  to  tell  you  that  all  their  hearts 
are  full  of  sorrow,  because  you  are  going  to  leave 
them  and  return  to  your  home  again.  Ever  since 
you  have  been  living  with  us,  we  can  all  see  how  the 
Quakers  and  our  fathers  used  to  live  together  in 
peace.  You  have  used  our  children  well,  and  have 
been  "kind  to  us  all:  your  doors  were  always  opened 
to  us.  We  were  sometimes  in  distress,  and  you 
helped  us  ;  many  times  our  people  were  hungry,  and 
you  gave  them  victuals.  You  were  always  kind  to 
us,  and  we  loved  you.  Your  children  and  our  chil 
dren  lived  together  in  peace  at  school,  and  learned 
together,  and  they  loved  one  another.  We  will 
always  remember  you,  and  we  will  tell  our  children 
never  to  forget  your  children.  And  now,  my  brother 
and  sister,  I  bid  you  farewell ;  and  Caleb  and  his 
sisters,  and  the  little  boys  and  their  little  sisters,  fare 
well."  He  then  came  to  me,  and  taking  me  by  my 
left  arm,  close  to  the  shoulder,  and  holding  on  for 
some  time,  crying  like  a  child,  in  broken  English  said: 
"Farewell,  my  brother  !"  then  bid  my  wife  farewell, 
calling  her  his  good  sister,  and  asking  that  the  Lord 
might  bless  her  for  her  kindness  to  them.  Next  he 
bid  all  our  children  farewell,  and  talked  to  each  in 
Shawnee,  knowing  they  could  understand  him.  AH 
wept  bitterly  when  our  least  children  cried  aloud  as 


252  HISTORY   OF    THE 

he  held  them  by  the  hands  and  gave  them  his  parting 
adieu,  telling  them  never  to  forget  him  and  the  little 
Shawnee  children,  with  whom  they  had  lived  in  peace 
so  long.  When  he  had  gone  around  all  the  family 
in  this  manner,  and  talked  to  every  one,  he  turned 
back,  and,  after  again  taking  each  one  of  us  by  the 
hand,  he  left  us  without  saying  another  word. 

I  confess,  I  was  so  overcome  that  I  could  not  speak, 
but  I  shall  never  forget  that  day.  This  was  George 
Williams,  a  near  neighbor  to  us,  and  a  sober,  honest, 
upright  man.  In  a  few  days  all  the  chiefs,  except 
Geo.  Williams,  came  early  in  the  morning  to  see  me. 
They  told  us,  on  their  arrival,  that  George  Williams 
had  been  sent  a  few  days  before  to  deliver  a  mes 
sage  and  bid  us  farewell,  on  behalf,  and  in  the  name 
of  the  whole  nation  ;  but  now  they  had  come  on  their 
own  account,  as  the  chiefs,  to  pass  the  day  with  us, 
and  to  talk  over  all  their  old  matters  with  me,  as  wo 
were  going  to  leave  them,  for  which  they  were  very 
sorry,  because  we  had  been  with  them  so  much ;  but 
they  supposed  we  wanted  to  go  to  our  home,  and  our 
friends  and  they  must  give  us  up.  They  said,  may 
be  it  would  be  the  last  day  we  should  ever  spend 
together  in  this  world,  and  then  proposed  to  me  that 
we  should  all  go  into  the  yard  to  talk,  as  it  was  a 
pleasant  day,  and  they  would  spit  so  much  in  the 
house. 

I  had  their  horses  put  up  and  fed.  There  were 
about  twenty  chiefs  and  counselors  present.  We 
spent  a  happy  day  together,  and  I  gave  them  a  good 
dinner.  In  the  afternoon  they  saddled  their  horses, 


SHAWJSEii    INDIANS. 


263 


and  tied  them  near  the  bars,  and  then  returned  to 
where  we  had  been  sitting.  When  evening  drew 
near  I  observed  them  become  very  solemn  and 
thoughtful,  and  conversing,  among  themselves,  about 
returning  home.  Soon  they  divided  something  among 
themselves,  that  looked  like  fine  seeds,  which  John 
Perry  had  wrapped  in  a  cloth. 

They  then  loosened  their  hair  and  clothes.    Henry 
Clay,  one  of  the  chiefs,  who  acted  as  interpreter,  in 
formed  me,  that  they  were  now  ready  to  return  home. 
They  wanted  me  to  have  everbody  but  my  wife  and 
children,  leave  the  house,  and  for  us  to  arrange  our 
selves  in  order,  according  to  our  ages,  so  they  could 
take  a  last  look  at  each  one  of  us,  and  bid  us  farewell. 
Henry  Clay  came  to  the  door,  looked  in,  saw  us  all 
standing  in  order  on  the  floor,  and  then  returned  to 
the  others,  when  they  came  into  the  house,  one  after 
another,  according   to  their   stations.     John  Perry 
came  first.     Each  one,  as  he  reached  the  door,  put 
something  into  his  mouth,  (the  seed  I  supposed,)  and 
chewed    it.      John  Perry  first  took  iny  hand,    and 
said,  "  Farewell,  my  brother."    Then  taking  my  wife 
by  the  hand,  said,   "  My   sister,  farewell."     Tears 
streamed  down  his  aged  cheek,  as  he  bid  our  chil 
dren  adieu,  talking  all  the  time  to  them  in  the  Shaw- 
nee  language.    The  others  followed  in  the  same  way. 
Some  of  them  were  crying,  and  trying  to  talk  to  our 
children,  as  they  held  them  by  the  hand.     The  chil 
dren  cried  the  whole  time,  as  if  they  were  parting 
with  one  another.     The  ceremony  lasted  for  some 
time.     When  they  were  through,  every  one  started 


264  HISTORY    OF    THH 

directly,  and  mounted  their  horses,  John  Perry  lead 
ing,  and  the  others  falling  in  in  order,  one  after  another, 
they  set  off  for  their  homes  across  the  prairie.  Not 
one  looked  back,  but  they  observed  the  same  order 
as  if  they  were  returning  from  a  funeral.  This  was 
a  solemn  time  to  us.  Here  were  the  celebrated 
Shawnee  chiefs,  great  men  among  the  Indians,  some 
of  them  called  in  time  past,  brave  warriors,  now  here 
in  mourning — in  tears,  and  all  this  in  sincerity,  and 
for  nothing  more  than  parting  with  us.  They  surely 
did  love  us.  Whether  we  were  deserving  of  their 
heartfelt  love  and  confidence  or  not,  they  thought  we 
were  ;  and  it  was  a  moving,  solemn  spectacle  for  us. 
They  were  several  times  brought  to  great  straits, 
and,  to  use  their  own  term,  I  helped  them.  Some 
times  some  of  their  people  were  hungry,  and  we  fed 
them.  This  they  knew,  and  did  not  forget.  After 
some  poor,  little  child  was  nearly  naked,  and  they 
saw  our  own  children's  clothes  on  it,  they  would  not 
soon  forget  that.  In  a  few  days  from  this  time,  we 
took  leave  of  the  school  children,  about  forty  in 
number.  These  children  had  been  given  up  to  us 
on  our  arrival  among  the  Indians,  several  of  them 
being  the  children  of  those  who  had  attended  our 
school  in  Ohio.  They  had  lived  in  our  family  two 
years  ;  had  lived  very  peaceably  with  our  children, 
had  interchanged  languages  with  them,  and  had 
become  very  much  attached  to  one  another ;  and  the 
parting  scene  was  very  affecting  indeed.  We  took 
leave  of  them  in  the  school-house — all  wept,  from 
the  smallest  to  the  largest.  Some  of  the  little  girls 


6HAWNSE    INDIANS,  §65 

followed  us  to  the  wagon,  and  begged  to  ride  across 
the  fields  with  our  girls.  We  let  several  of  them 
ride,  but  when  we  stopped  for  them  to  get  out  of  the 
wagon,  they  refused  to  leave  our  children.  We  had 
to  put  tli em  out  by  force.  They  clung  fast  to  our 
little  girl,  and  screamed  as  loud  as  they  could,  and 
so  did  our  own  poor  little  girl.  We  had  to  tear  them 
apart,  and  put  them  out  of  the  wagon,  and  go  off 
and  leave  them  in  this  situation,  which  was  a  very 
hard  trial  to  us. 

Now,  I  wish  the  reader  to  understand  me  rightly 
in  all  I  have  said  about  our  parting  with  the  Shaw- 
nees.  I  do  not  wish  to  have  anything  attributed  to 
me  or  mine  ;  that  is  not  what  I  intended  ;  neither  is 
it  the  purpose  for  which  I  have  kept  their  accounts. 
I  wish  it  distinctly  understood,  that  we  were  employed 
by  the  Society  of  Friends  in  this  service.  The  ex 
pense  was  borne  entirely  by  the  members  of  that 
Society.  I  only  contributed  my  part  in  making  up 
the  money.  1  was  bound  to  be  faithful  to  the  trust 
reposed  in  me — in  us,  I  should  say,  and  all  I  claim, 
is,  that  we  strove  to  do  our  duty. 

We  confess,  that  the  gratitude  so  abundantly  mani 
fested  by  these  poor  souls  toward  us,  and  the  con 
sciousness  of  having  done  our  duty,  is  a  great,  a 
rich,  and  lasting  reward,  which  will  console  us  now 
in  our  declining  years,  and  we  hope,  will  continue  to 
do  so,  till  the  end  of  our  pilgrimage  here.  These 
thoughts,  we  trust,  will  be  a  consolation  to  us  in  our 
last  moments,  and  with  what  other  good  works  we 
may  do,  or  may  have  done,  will,  when  we  rest  from 


256  HISTORY    OF    THE 

our  labors,  follow  us  to  a  glorious  habitation,  where 
all  the  just  of  every  generation  have  gone. 

My  object  in  penning  these  accounts,  is,  that  those 
who  may  read  them,  may  see  what  the  "  Savages/'  as 
they  are  so  wrongfully  denominated,  are,  when  treated 
as  human  beings.  They  are  such  utter  strangers  to 
such  treatment  as  Christians  should  bestow  on  their 
fellows,  that  if  they  receive  ever  so  small  a  favor, 
they  can  scarcely  avoid  magnifying  it  into  something 
very  great. 

I  am  sure,  that  to  see  these  great  and  strong- 
minded  chiefs  melted  into  a  flood  of  tears — weeping 
in  agony;  holding  us  firmly  by  the  hands,  their  eyes 
turned  toward  Heaven,  and  in  their  native  language, 
invoking  the  Great  Spirit  to  shower  down  blessings 
upon  each  member  of  the  family,  as  they  parted 
from  us ;  this,  I  am  sure,  was  enough  to  tender  any 
heart  that  could  be  moved ;  it  was  enough  for  us — 
more  than  we  expected — more  than  we  deserved. 
We  only  regret,  that  every  one  who  may  read  this, 
cannot  have  the  opportunity  we  had,  of  witnessing 
the  gratitude  of  these  Indians,  of  these  "  Savages;" 
if  they  could,  the  term  savage,  if  ever  applied  to  the 
Indians,  would  be  spared  from  the  Shawnees.  I 
have  been  acquainted  with  many  Indian  tribes,  and  I 
believe  that  if  ever  our  race  was  used  as  they  have 
been,  we  would  be  more  vindictive — more  savage  by 
far,  than  they.  A  morsel  of  bread  would  not  soften 
us — small  favors  would  not  reconcile  us,  as  they  do 
these  people. 

The  school  which  we  left,  was  continued  under  the 


8HAWNEK    INDIANS.  257 

cnre  ol  others  who  succeeded  us,  with  great  advantage 
to  the  Shawnees.  The  Shawnees  generally,  advanced 
in  improvements,  but  they  were  not  healthy — many 
of  their  chief  men  died,  among  whom,  were  John 
Perry  and  Wayweleapy,  and  several  other  chiefs. 
In  the  year  1844,  they  were  visited  by  a  great  flood, 
which  swept  off  their  houses,  and  a  large  amount  of 
grain ;  many  of  their  farms  were  laid  waste.  In 
consequence  of  this,  they  were  likely  to  be  in  want, 
information  of  which,  coming  to  the  Society  of 
Friends,  a  large  amount  of  money  was  raised,  and 
provisions  procured  for  their  use,  till  they  could  raise 
u  supply  for  themselves. 

17 


HISTORY    OF    THB 


CHAPTER  XLII. 


I  DO  not  know  that  it  will  be  necessary  for  me  to 
take  notice  of  any  more  treaties  with  the  Shawnees, 
before  finishing  my  book.  I  hope  not.  After  ex 
amining  all  the  treaties  between  our  government  and 
that  nation,  I  can  find  only  one  which  has  the 
appearance  of  fairness,  as  containing  a  contract  in 
which  we  pay  a  just  equivalent  for  the  property 
purchased,  and  that  is  the  treaty  of  1817,  held  by 
Governor  Cass  and  Me  Arthur.  In  that  treaty,  these 
commissioners  evidently  had  justice  and  the  welfare 
of  the  Shawnees  in  view,  and  the  result  was,  that 
they  provided  them  with  a  good  tract  of  land,  and 
had  it  secured  to  them  as  their  own.  This  is  the 
first  treaty,  I  believe,  which  was  ever  made  with  the 
Shawnees,  without  demanding  land  of  them  ;  and 
those  demands  were  always  based  upon  this  ground  : 
"  To  manifest  their  good-will  to  the  United  States, 
and  to  indemnify  the  government  for  the  expense  of 
some  war,"  which  had  been  carried  on  in  their  coun 
try  until,  after  their  villages  and  other  property  had 
been  destroyed,  they  were  compelled,  in  order  to 
save  their  families,  to  sue  for  peace ;  and  in  that 


6HAWNEE    INDIANS.  259 

situation  they  would  agree  to  almost  any  terras  that 
might  be  proposed. 

General  Wayne  admitted  that  the  Shawnees  had 
an  indisputable  right  to  the  soil.  Cass  and  McArthur 
acknowledged  that  the  United  States  were  under  obli 
gations  to  them  for  services  rendered,  and  did  not, 
as  usual,  make  them  give  a  large  amount,  as  evi 
dence  of  their  regard  for  the  United  States.  There 
are  three  men,  one  of  whom  is  dead,  who  may  justly 
be  considered  as  the  faithful  friends  of  the  Indians, 
and  who  ever  strove  for  the  interest  of  the  Shawnees; 
they  ever  had  the  love  and  confidence  of  the  nation. 
These  men  were,  Lewis  Cass,  John  Johnston,  and 
General  Joseph  Vance.  These  men  were  ready  at 
all  times  to  aid  the  Shawnees — were  men  in  high 
standing  in  government — had  great  influence,  and 
used  it  in  behalf  of  this  people — and  to  the  latest 
period  of  their  existence,  as  a  nation,  I  have  no  doubt, 
they  will  be  held  in  grateful  remembrance,  as  among 
its  foremost  friends. 


260  HISTORY    OP   THB 


CHAPTER    XLIII. 


I  HAVE  omitted  noticing  a  letter  from  a  confedera 
tion  of  chiefs,  of  which  the  Shawnees,  as  one  of  them, 
with  thirteen  other  bands,  signed  it  on  the  16th  of 
August,  1793,  at  the  mouth  of  Detroit  river,  which 
was  sent  by  a  runner  to  the  United  States  commis 
sioner  at  the  rapids  of  the  Miami  of  Lake  Erie. 
This  letter  will  show  that  the  Shawnees  had  a  claim 
to  the  lands  in  question  equal  to  the  other  bands. 
This  agrees  with  the  idea  of  Tecumseh,  but  in  which 
he  was  overruled  by  Gen.  Harrison.  The  letter  is  as 
follows,  viz: 

"  To  the  Commissioners  of  the  United  States  : — 
Brothers,  we  have  received  your  speech,  dated  31st 
of  last  month,  and  it  has  been  interpreted  to  all  the 
different  nations.  We  have  been  long  in  sending  you 
an  answer,  because  of  the  great  importance  of  the 
subject.  But  we  now  answer  it  fully,  having  given 
it  all  the  consideration  in  our  power. 

"  Brothers,  you  told  us  that  after  you  had  made 
peace  with  the  king,  our  father,  about  ten  years  ago, 
that  it  remained  to  make  peace  between  the  United 
States  and  the  Indian  nations  who  had  taken  part 
with  the  king.  For  this  purpose,  commissioners 


8HAWNEB    INDIANS.  261 

were  appointed,  wlio  sent  messages  to  all  those  In 
dian  nations,  inviting  them  to  come  and  make  peace ; 
and,  after  reciting  the  periods  at  which  you  say  trea 
ties  were  held  at  Fort  Stanwix,  Forts  Mclntosh  and 
Miami,  all  of  which  treaties,  according  to  your  own 
acknowledgment,  were  for  the  sole  purpose  of 
making  peace,  you  then  say — Brothers,  the  commis 
sioners  who  conducted  the  treaties  in  behalf  of  the 
United  States,  sent  the  papers  concerning  them  to 
the  general  councils  of  the  States,  who,  supposing 
them  satisfactory  to  the  nations  treated  with,  pro 
ceeded  to  dispose  of  the  lands  thereby  ceded. 

"  Brothers,  this  is  telling  us  plainly  what  we  always 
understood  to  be  the  case,  and  it  agrees  with  the 
declaration  of  those  who  made  the  treaties,  viz : 
That  they  went  to  meet  your  commissioners  to  make 
peace,  but,  through  fear,  were  obliged  to  sign  the 
papers  laid  before  them  ;  and  it  has  since  appeared 
that  deeds  of  cession  were  signed  by  them  instead  of 
treaties  of  peace  You  say,  after  some  time  it  ap 
pears  that  a  number  of  people  in  your  nation  were 
dissatisfied  with  the  treaties  of  Forts  Mclntosh  and 
Miami,  therefore  the  council  of  the  United  States 
appointed  Governor  St.  Glair  their  commissioner,  with 
full  powers,  for  the  purpose  of  removing  all  causes 
of  controversy  relating  to  trade,  and  settling  bounda 
ries  between  the  Indian  nations,  in  the  northern  de 
partment,  and  the  United  States.  He  accordingly 
sent'messages,  inviting  all  the  nations  concerned  to 
meet  him  at  a  council-fire  he  kindled  at  the  falls  of 
the  Muskingum  river.  While  lie  was  waiting  for 


262 


HISTOKY    OF    THE 


them,  some  mischief  happened  at  that  pface,  and  the 
fire  was  put  out :  so  he  kindled  a  council-fire  at  Fort 
Harmar,  where  near  six  hundred  Indians  attended. 
The  Six  Nations  then  renewed  and  confirmed  the 
treaty  of  Fort  Stanwix,  and  the  Wyandots  renewed 
and  confirmed  the  treaty  of  Fort  Mclntosh  ;  some 
Ottawas,  Chippewas,  Potlawatomies  and  Sacs,  were 
also  parties  to  the  treaties  of  Fort  Harmar. 

'  Now,  brothers,  these  are  your  own  words,  and  it 
is  necessary  for  us  to  make  a  short  reply  to  them. 

"Brothers,  a  general  council  of  all  the  Indian 
confederacy  was  held,  as  you  well  know,  in  the  fall 
of  the  year  1788,  at  this  place  ;  and  that  a  general 
council  was  invited  by  your  commissioner,  Governor 
St.  Chiir,  to  meet  him,  for  the  purpose  of  holdin°*  a 
treaty,  with  regard  to  the  lands  mentioned  by  you 
to  have  been  ceded  by  the  treaties  of  Stanwix  and 
Fort  Mclntosh. 

"  We  are  in  possession  of  the  speeches  and  letters 
which  passed,  on  that  occasion,  between  those  de 
puted  by  the  confederated  Indians,  and  Governor  St. 
Clair,  the  commissioner  of  the  United  States.  These 
papers  prove,  that  your  said  commissioners,  in  the 
beginning  of  the  year  1789,  after  having  been  in 
formed  by  the  general  council  of  the  preceding  fall, 
that  no  bargain  or  sale  of  any  part  of  these  Indian 
lands,  would  be  considered  as  valid  or  binding  unless 

O* 

agreed  to  by  a  general  council,  nevertheless,  collect 
ing  together  a  few  chiefs  of  two  or  three  nations  only, 
they  with  them  held  a  treaty  for  the  cession  of  an 
immense  country,  in  which  they  were  no  more 


S1IAWNEE    INDIANS.  263 

interested  than  as  a  branch  of  the  great  confederacy, 
and  who  were  in  no  manner  authorized  to  make  any 
grant  or  cession  whatever.  . 

"  Brothers:  how  then  was  it  possible  for  you  to 
expect  to  enjoy  peace  and  quietly  hold  these  lands, 
when  your  commissioner  was  informed,  long  before 
he  held  the  treaty  of  Fort  Harmar,  that  the  consent 
of  a  general  council  was  absolutely  necessary  to 
convey  any  part  of  the  land  to  the  United  States? 
The  part  "of  these  lands,  which  the  United  States 
now  wish  us  to  relinquish,  and  which,  you  say,  are 
settled,  have  been  sold  by  the  United  States  since 
that  time. 

"Brothers:  you  say  the  United  States  wish  to 
have  confirmed  all  the  lands  ceded  by  the  treaty  of 
Fort  Harmar,  and  also  a  small  tract  at  the  falls  of  the 
Ohio,  claimed  by  General  Clark  for  his  warriors,  and 
in  consideration  for  which,  the  United  States  would 
give  such  a  large  sum  of  money,  or  goods,  as  was 
never  given  at  any  time  for  any  quantity  of  Indian 
land  since  the  white  people  first  set  their  foot  in  this 
country ;  and  because  these  lands  furnished  you  with 
skins  and  furs  with  which  you  bought  clothing  and 
other  necessaries,  the  United  States  will  now  furnish 
the  like  constant  supplies.  And,  therefore,  beside 
the  great  sum  to  be  delivered  at  once,  they  will, 
every  year,  deliver  you  a  large  quantity  of  such 
goods  as  are  best  suited  to  the  wants  of  yourselves, 
your  women,  and  your  children. 

"Brothers:  money  to  us,  is  of  no  value,  and  to 
many  of  us  unknown,  and  as  no  consideration  what- 


264  HISTORY    OJf    THB 

ever  can  induce  us  to  sell  the  lands  on  which  we  get 
sustenance  for  our  women  and  children,  we  hope  we 
may  be  allowed  to  point  out  a  mode  by  which  your 
settlers  may  be  easily  removed  and  peace  thereby 
maintained.  We  know  that  these  settlers  are  poor, 
or  they  would  not  have  ventured  to  live  in  a  country 
which  has  been  in  continual  trouble  ever  since  they 
crossed  the  Ohio.  Divide,  therefore,  this  large  sum 
of  money,  which  you  have  offered  to  us,  among 
these  people ;  give  to  each  also  a  proportion  of  that 
which,  you  say,  you  would  give  to  us  annually,  over 
and  above  this  large  sum  of  money ;  and  we  are 
persuaded  they  would  most  readily  accept  it  in  lieu 
of  the  land  which  you  sold  them.  If  you  add,  also, 
the  great  sums  you  must  spend  in  raising  and  paying 
armies  with  a  view  of  forcing  us  to  yield  up  our 
country,  you  will  certainly  have  more  than  sufficient 
for  the  purpose  of  repaying  these  settlers  for  all  their 
labors  and  improvements. 

"  Brothers  :  you  have  talked  much  to  us  about 
concessions.  It  appears  strange  that  you  should 
expect  any  from  us,  who  have  been  only  defending 
our  just  rights  against  your  invasions.  We  want 
peace.  Restore  to  us  our  country  and  we  will  be 
your  enemies  no  longer. 

"Brothers:  you  make  one  concession  by  offering 
us  your  money,  and  another  by  having  agreed  to  do 
us  justice  after  having  long  and  injuriously  withheld 
it — we  mean,  in  the  acknowledgment  you  have  now 
made,  that  *  the  king  of  England  never  did,  nor 
never  had  any  right  to  give  you  our  country/  by  the 


BHAWNZB    INDIANS.  265 

treaty  of  peace.  And  you  want  to  make  this  act  of 
common  justice  a  part  of  your  concessions,  and 
seem  to  expect  that,  because  you  at  last  acknow 
ledged  our  independence,  we  should,  for  such  a 
favor,  surrender  to  you  our  country. 

"  You  have  talked  a  great  deal  about  pre-emption, 
and  your  exclusive  right  to  purchase  Indian  lands  as 
ceded  to  you  by  the  king  of  England  at  the  treaty 
of  peace.  Brothers :  we  never  made  any  agreement 
with  the  king,  nor  with  any  other  nation,  that  we  would 
give  to  either  the  exclusive  right  of  purchasing  our 
lands,  and  we  declare  to  you,  that  we  consider  our 
selves  free  to  make  any  bargain  or  cession  of  lands 
whenever  and  to  whomsoever  we  please.  If  the  white 
people,  as  you  say,  made  a  treaty  that  none  of  them 
but  the  king  should  purchase  of  us,  and  that  he  has 
given  that  right  to  the  United  States,  it  is  an  affair 
which  concerns  you  and  him,  and  not  us;  we  have 
never  parted  with  such  a  power. 

"Brothers:  at  our  general  council,  held  at  the 
AuglaizB,  last  fall,  we  agreed  to  meet  commissioners 
from  the  United  States  for  the  purpose  of  restoring 
peace,  provided  they  consented  to  acknowledge  and 
confirm  our  boundary  line  to  the  Ohio  river,  and  we 
determined  not  to  meet  you  until  you  gave  us  satis 
faction  on  that  account.  This  is  the  reason  we 
never  met.  . 

"  We  desire  you  to  consider,  brothers,  that  our 
only  demand  is  the  peaceable  possession  of  a  small 
part  of  our  once  great  country.  Look  back  and 
review  the  lands  from  whence  we  have  been  driven 


2ti6  HISTORY    OF    THfl 

to  this  spot.  We  can  retreat  no  further,  because  the 
country  behind  affords  hardly  food  for  its  present 
inhabitants,  and  we  have,  therefore,  resolved  not  to 
leave  our  homes  in  this  small  space  to  which  we  are 
now  confined. 

"  Brothers:  we  shall  be  persuaded  that  you  mean 
to  do  us  justice,  if  you  agree  that  the  Ohio  shall 
remain  the  boundary  line  between  us.  If  you  will 
not  consent  to  this,  our  meeting  will  be  altogether 
unnecessary.  This  is  the  great  point  which  we  hoped 
would  have  been  explained  before  you  left  your 
homes,  as  our  message,  last  fall,  was  directed  princi 
pally  to  obtain  that  information. 

"  Done  in  general  council  at  the  foot  of  the  rapids 
of  the  Miami,  on  the  13th  day  of  August,  1793. 

"  NATIONS. — Wyandots,  Chippewas,  Nantikokees, 
Delawares,  Senecas  of  Glaize,  Mohikans,  Shawnees, 
Pottawatomies,  Messisagues,  Miamis,  Comwiss, 
Creeks,  Ottawas,  Missouris,  Cherokees,  and  the 
Seven  Nations  of  Canada." 

The  concerned  reader,  on  looking  over  this  list,  all 
of  whom,  except  the  last  nation,  were  American 
Indians,  will  at  once  ask  himself—' where  are  these 
people  now? 


INDIANS. 


267 


CHAPTER  XLIV. 


IN  the  year  1853,  Congress  passed  an  Act,  grant 
ing  to  the  Shawnees,  the  sum  of  $66,000,  as  an 
additional  compensation  for  their  lands  at  Wapaugh- 
konnetta  and  Hog  Creek,  in  Ohio.  This  amount 
was  shortly  paid  to  them  at  their  homes  in  Kanzas, 
by  the  superintendent  and  agent,  in  cash. 

Thus,  after  a  delay  of  more  than  twenty  years, 
the  government  complied  with  the  demands  of  jus 
tice  so  far,  as  to  grant  the  amount  of  pay  that  the 
Shawnees  and  our  Society  on  their  behalf,  demanded 
for  them  in  1832,  except  four  thousand  dollars.  This 
satisfied  the  Indians,  and  government  was  none  the 
loser,  as  the  interest  of  the  money  at  tive  per  cent, 
would  overreach  the  debt  in  that  time. 

A  lawyer,  on  the  arrival  of  the  money  in  the 
Shawnees'  country,  arrived  there  too,  with  a  demand 
of  fifty  per  cent,  of  the  whole  sum,  as  his  fee 
for  urging  the  claim  at  Washington,  before  the 
Department  and  the  committees  of  Congress,  al- 
thouo-h  the  testimony  on  which  the  claim  was  based, 
had  been  in  the  Department  ever  since  1832;  but  he 
got  only  a  few  thousand  dollars,  and  that  from  indi 
viduals  ;  the  superintendent  refusing  to  allow  his 


HISTORy    OF 


cla  m  to  be  taken  from  the  money,  on  the  ground,, 
th«  by  Congress  granting  the  amouut,  the  demand 
the  Indi.Ba  was  recognized  as 

bound  to  a  this 


8HAWNEB    INDIANS.  269 


CHAPTER   XLV. 


THE  Sbawnecs,  in  the  year  1854,  numbered 
about  nine  hundred  souls,  including  the  white  men, 
who  have  intermarried  into  the  nation,  and  are  there 
by  adopted  as  Indians.  This  number  is  perhaps, 
not  more  than  twenty. 

This  tribe  owns  about  one  million  six  hundred 
thousand  acres  of  land,  or,  about  1700  acres  each. 
Many  of  them  have  good  dwelling-houses,  well  pro 
vided  with  useful  and  respectable  furniture,  which  is 
kept  in  good  order  by  the  females,  and  they  live  in 
the  same  manner  as  the  whites  do,  and  live  well  too. 
They  have  smoke-houses,  stables,  corn-cribs,  and 
other  out-buildings.  They  have  a  good  supply  of 
horses,  cattle,  hogs,  and  some  sheep.  They  have 
many  farm  wagons,  and  work  oxen — some  carriages 
and  buggies,  and  are  generally  well  supplied  with 
farming  implements,  and  know  how  to  use  them. 
They  raise  abundance  of  corn  and  oats,  and  some 
wheat.  Their  houses  are  generally  very  neat;  built 
of  hewn  logs,  with  shingled  roofs,  stone  chimneys, 
and  the  inside  work  very  well  finished  off,  and  mostly 
done  by  themselves,  as  there  are  a  number  of  very 


270 


HISTORY    OF    THE 


good  mechanics  among  the  younger  class.  Their 
fencing  is  very  good,  and,  taken  altogether,  their 
settlements  make  a  very  respectable  appearance,  and 
would  lose  no  credit  by  a  comparison  with  those  of 
their  white  neighbors  in  the  State  adjoining  them, 
leaving  out  now  and  then,  a  farm  where  slaves  do  the 
labor,  and  thus  carry  on  farming  on  a  large  scale. 

The   Shawnees    have    a   large    and   commodious 
meeting-house,  where  they  hold  a  religious  meeting 
on  the   first  day  of  each  week.     They  have  also  a 
graveyard  attached  to  the  meeting-house  lot.     They 
hold  religious  meetings  often   at  their  own  houses 
during  the   week,   generally  at   night.     They  hold 
their  camp-meetings  and  their  other  large  meetings, 
in  their  meeting-house,  as  well  as  their  public  coun 
cils,  and  also  their  temperance  meetings;  for  they, 
in  imitation  of  their  white  brethren,  and  as  a  means 
of  arresting  the  worst  evil  which  ever  overtook  the 
Indians,   organized  a  society  on   this  subject,    and 
have  their  own  lectures,  in  which  they  are  assisted 
by  some  of  the  missionaries.     The  younger  class  of 
them  are  most  interested  in  this  work,  which  is  doing 
much  good  among  them.     Many  of  them  have  united 
themselves  to  religious  societies,  and  appear  to  be 
very  zealous  observers  of  the  forms  and  ceremonies 
of  religion,  and  notwithstanding  many  of  them,  like 
too  many  of  their  white  brethren,  appear  to  have  the 
form  of  godliness  but  not  the  power,  yet  it  is  apparent, 
that  there  are  those  among  them,  who  are  endeavor 
ing  to  walk  in  the  just  man's  path,  which,  to  one 
who  has  been  acquainted  with  them  for  a  number  of 


SIIAWNEE    INDIANS. 

years,  even  when  in  their  wild  and  savage  state, 
affords  great  satisfaction. 

As  regards  the  settlements  of  the  Shawnees  in  their 
present  situation,  they  are  all  located  «  about  thirty 
miles  of  the  east  end  of  their  tract ;  their  settle 
ments  of  course,  reaching  a  little  short  of  one-third 
of  the  distance  back  from  the  Missouri  State  line. 
The  watercourses  will  show  the  situation  of  their 
timbered  land,  as  all  the  streams  have  more  or  less 
timber  on  them.  In  the  bottom  land,  the  timber  is 
fine,  and  composed  of  black  walnut,  burr  oak,  hack- 
berry,  hickory,  black  oak,  cottonwood,  mulberry, 
etc.  The  upland  timber  is  mostly  black  oak,  and 
stands  from  one  to  four  or  five  miles  from  the  bottoms. 
Along  the  margin  of  the  timbered  lands,  are  the 
Shawnees'  settlements,  having  timber  for  buildings, 
rails,  and  firewood  on  one  side,  and  on  the  other  side, 
are  their  farms,  and  the  delightful  prairies  for  graz 
ing  and  for  hay,  for  their  stock  in  winter,  which 
prairies  consist  of  the  very  richest  of  loose  soil,  and 
are  very  productive  for  grain  of  every  description,  as 
well  as  for  tame  grass.  The  soil  here,  is  not  excelled 
perhaps,  by  any  in  the  United  States.  The  Shawnees 
have  generally  made  good  selections  for  locations  for 
their  settlements.  There  are  many  good  springs  of 
water  on  their  lands,  and  stone  plenty  for  every  pur 
pose,  abounds  in  every  section  of  their  country, 
which  is  in  a  very  mild  and  healthy  climate. 

They  have  mostly  settled  near  the  Kanzas  river 
timber.  The  Mill  Creek,  Bull  Creek,  and  Walka- 
rutka  timber  and  their  tributaries,  and,  of  course, 


272  HISTORY    OF    THE 

their  settlements  are  mostly  in  the  north-east  corner 
of  their  land. 

In  passing  along  the  California  and  Sante  Fe 
roads,  which  run  on  the  divide  between  the  streams 
of  the  Blue  and  Osage  rivers,  and  the  Kansas 
river— in  casting  the  eye  on  either  side,  a  hand 
some  view  is  presented  on  both  hands,  of  good  dwell 
ings,  handsome  farms,  bordering  on  the  forest,  and 
fine  herds  of  cattle  and  horses  grazing  in  the  rich 
prairies,  as  we  pass,  and  beautiful  fields  of  grain 
sown,  planted  and  cultivated  by  the  Indians  them 
selves  ;  and  should  the  weary  traveler  see  proper  to 
call,  and  spend  a  night  with  these  people,  and  mani 
fest  that  interest  for  them,  which  he  will  be  very  sure 
to  do,  in  viewing  them  in  their  present  condition,  and 
comparing  it  with  what  it  once  was,  he  will  be  well 
cared  for.  The  Shawnees  generally  sow  a  large 
amount  of  grain,  and  often  spare  a  large  surplus  after 
supplying  their  own  wants. 


INDIANS.  273 


CHAPTER   XLVI. 


AI*AS  !  for  this  people,  who  were  told  that,  in  case 
they  would  sell  their  lands  in  Ohio,  and  remove  to 
this  very  land,  that  it  should  be  their  home  forever — 
theirs  unmolested,  and  never  to  be  within  the  limits 
of  any  state  or  territory  of  the  United  States.  I  say, 
who  would  have  believed  it  at  that  lime,  if  he  had 
been  told  that,  in  less  than  twenty-five  years,  the 
United  States  should  consider  this  term  "  forever " 
at  an  end?  and  that  about  1854  it  would,  with 
out  the  consent  of  the  Indians — without  consulting 
even  its  own  people — and  in  the  face  of  all  the  Indian 
treaties,  establish  a  territory  of  the  United  States, 
over  just  as  much  of  that  Indian  territory  as  was 
north  of  the  -slave  line,  and  so  construct  the  law  as  to 
have  slavery  right  there? 

I  heard  a  very  intelligent  Indian  chief  declare, 
recently,  that  he  had  been  engaged,  in  the  course  of 
his  life,  in  making  three  treaties  with  the  United 
States  ;  that  in  all  these  treaties  they  used  this  term, 
"  forever,"  and  that  it  lasted  longer  this  time  than  in 
either  of  the  other  treaties;  and  now  it  had  only 
lasted  for  about  twenty -one  years. 
18 


274  HISTORY"    OF    THE 

Resolutions  are  now  passed  in  the  State  of  Mis 
souri,  in  sight  of  the  Indians,  urging  on  Congress  to 
extinguish  the  Indian  titles  in  their  lands,  and  urging 
members  of  Congress  to  bring  that  (to  them)  desirable 
object  about.  The  avaricious  grasp  of  the  white  man 
has  fixed  its  eye  on  these  rich  acres,  and  the  fine  Indian 
farms  ;  and  men  are  traversing  this  Territory  in  every 
direction,  to  select  places  for  locating  on  this  land — 
they  are  "coveting  that  which  is  not  theirs,"  nor 
never  can  be,  but  at  the  sacrifice  of  the  pledged  faith 
of  a  great,  rich,  and  Christian-professing  nation. 
But  all  these  pledges  and  assurances  to  these  people 
must  fall  before  avarice,  and  a  thirst  for  power  ;  and 
already  is  the  work  commenced  "officially."  A  com 
missioner  has  been  here  from  the  government,  and 
asked  for  such  surplus  land  as  the  Indians  might 
wish  to  sell.  The  answer  he  got  was,  that  the 
Shawnees  were  unanimously  agreed  to  sell  one  mil 
lion  of  acres,  off  the  west  end,  and  as  unanimously 
resolved  not  to  sell  the  east  end,  where  their  homes 
are. 

The  commissioner  returned,  and  made  his  report 
to  the  President,  and  here  is  one  important  and 
ominous  paragraph  which  occurs  in  his  report: 

"With  but  few  exceptions,  the  Indians  were  op 
posed  to  selling  any  part  of  their  lands,  as  announced 
in  their  replies  to  the  speeches  of  the  commissioner. 
Finally,  however,  many  tribes  expressed  their  will 
ingness  to  sell,  but  on  condition  that  they  should 
retain  tribal  reservations  on  their  present  tracts  of 
land.  This  policy  was  deemed  objectionable,  and 


SHAWNTSE    INDIANS.  £75 

not  to  be  adopted  if  it  could  be  avoided  ;  and  with 
such  tribes  the  time  of  treating  was  deferred  until 
next  spring,  with  the  hope  that  the  Indians,  by  that 
time,  might  see  that  their  permanent  interest  required 
an  entire  transfer  of  all  their  lands,  and  a  removal  to 
a  new  home.  Some  tribes  declined  to  dispose  of  any 
portion  ;  and  all,  with  the  exception  of  the  Wyandots 
and  Ottawas,  who  expressed  an  opinion  on  the  sub 
ject  of  an  organization  of  a  civil  government  in  that 
Territory,  were  opposed  to  the  measure.  They  have, 
with  few  exceptions,  a  very  crude  and  unintelligible 
idea  of  the  white  man's  laws — dreading  them  as  en 
gines  of  tyranny  and  oppression — and  they  dread  as 
well  as  fear  them.  Before  die  commissioner  left  the 
country,  quite  a  change  was  perceptible  among  the 
Indians  ;  and  it  is  believed  that,  with  few  exceptions, 
the  tribes  will,  next  spring,  enter  into  treaties  and 
dispose  of  large  portions  of  their  country,  and  some 
of  them  will  sell  the  whole  of  their  land.  The  idea 
of  retaining  reservations,  which  seemed  to  be  gen 
erally  entertained,  is  not  deemed  to  be  consistent  with 
their  true  interests,  and  every  good  influence  ought 
to  be  exercised  to  enlighten  them  on  the  subject.  If 
they  dispose  of  their  lands,  no  reservations  should,  if 
it  can  be  avoided,  be  allowed.  There  are  some  In 
dians  in  various  tribes,  who  are  occupying  farms,  and 
comfortably  situated,  and  who  are  in  such  a  state  of 
civilization  that,  if  they  desired  to  remain,  the  privi 
lege  might  well,  and  ought,  perhaps,  be  granted,  and 
their  farms,  in  each  case,  be  reserved  for  their 
homes.  Such  Indians  would  be  qualified  to  enjoy 


£7G  .HISTORY    OF    THE 

the  privileges  of  citizenship ;  but  to  make  reserva 
tions  for  an  entire  tribe,  on  the  tract  which  it  now 
owns,  would,  it  is  believed,  be  injurious  of  the  future 
peace,  prosperity,  and  happiness  of  these  people. 
The  commissioner,  as  far  as  he  judged  it  prudent, 
endeavored  to  enlighten  them  on  this  subject,  and 
labored  to  convince  them  that  it  was  not  consistent 
with  the  true  interest  of  themselves  and  their  pos 
terity,  that  they  should  have  tribal  reservations  within 
their  present  limits. 

"Signed  by  the  Commissioner,  1853." 
The  opinion  of  this  commissioner  of  Indian  affairs 
is,  that  every  influence  should  be  used  to  encourage 
the  Indians  on  the  subject  of  selling  all  their  lands. 
The  obvious  meaning  of  this  is,  to  enlighten  their 
understanding  so  as  to  convince  them  that  it  would 
be  to  their  advantage  to  leave  "  all "  their  lands  here 
and  seek  another  home.  Well,  that  can't  be  done; 
they  are  too  far  advanced  in  knowledge  and  com 
mon  sense  for  that.  Any  other  way  than  to  threaten 
them  (as  heretofore)  with  the  terror  of  our  laws  be 
ing  placed  over  them,  which  they  can  scarcely  be 
made  believe,  if  we  are  Christians,  as  we  profess  to 
be,  that  we  will  do  that,  as  they  have  some  idea  what 
Christianity  is.  And  to  tell  these  Shawnees  that 
they  have  not  land  enough,  they  will  tell  you  that 
they  have  each  about  1700  acres,  and  want  no  more. 
Tell  them  they  need  better  land  :  they  will  say  there 
is  none  better  anywhere.  Tell  them  of  game  plenty 
somewhere,  which  they  can  kill :  they  say  they  would 
rather  have  their  cattle,  hogs,  houses,  orchards,  and 


6HAWNEE    INDIANS. 


277 


cornfields,  than  all  the  game  in  the  plains.  And, 
finally,  tell  them  they  are  too  near  the  whites,  and 
they  will  say  that  that  is  to  their  advantage,  for  there 
is  where  their  market  is.  Tell  them  of  what  you 
will,  and  they  will  believe  just  as  much  of  it  as  this  : 
they  believe  the  whites  want  their  country  because 
it  is  rich. 

Were  they  disposed  to  enlighten  us,  how  they 
could  retort  on  us,  and  say:  "Leave  off  your  sins 
by  righteousness,  and  your  iniquities,  by  showing 
mercy  to  the  poor  oppressed  nations  you  have  within 
your  grasp." 

No  real  friend  to  justice,  to  mercy,  to  the  poor,  nor 
to  our  own  nation,  can  ask  these  poor,  abused  people 
to  leave  again  their  homes  and  seek  another,  to  make 
room  for  the  avaricious  white  man,  who,  like  the 
horse-l*ech  in  Scripture,  are  continually  crying — 
Give,  give,  and  never  satisfied. 


HISTORY    OF    THE 


CHAPTER    XLVII. 


THERE  are  now  in  the  Shawnee  nation  four  Mis 
sions,  one  under  the  care  of  the  Methodist  Church 
South,  one  under  the  care  of  the  Northern  Methodist 
Church,  one  under  the  care  of  the  Baptist  Church, 
and  the  other  under  the  care  of  the  Society  of 
Friends.  They  are  all  conducted  on  the  manual 
labor  system ;  about  one  hundred  and  forty  children 
are  generally  in  attendance  at  those  schools.  At  the 
first-named  Mission  there  are  large  and  commodious 
buildings  of  brick,  and  other  out-buildings,  and  five 
or  six  hundred  acres  under  cultivation;  at  the  other 
Methodist  Mission,  a  farm  of  about  one  hundred 
acres  is  under  cultivation,  and  comfortable  log  build 
ings  are  erected.  At  the  Baptist  Mission  are  good 
comfortable  buildings,  and,  I  suppose,  near  one  hun 
dred  acres  adjoining  to,  and  at  some  distance  from,  the 
farm,  where  the  school  is  kept;  and  at  the  Friends* 
Mission  are  a  la^rge  frame  house  and  barn,  and  other 
out-buildings,  and  about  two  hundred  acres  under 
cultivation. 

There  are  slaves  at  the  Southern  Methodist  Mission. 
The  Indians  are  much  divided  on  that  subject,  and 
it  is  to  be  deplored  that  this  evil  was  ever  introduced 


8 II  AW  NEE    INDIANS.  279 

among  this  people,  and  more  so,  that  this  should  be 
done  by  missionaries,  whose  object  was,  and  I  sup 
pose,  still  is,  to  draw  off  the  minds  of  the  Indians 
from  the  evil  of  their  ways  in  every  sense  of  the 
term. 

Some  of  the  Shawnees  have  already  got  slaves, 
but  are  mostly  those  white  men  who  have  married 
into  the  nation ;  but  as  some  of  their  teachers  have 
them,  who  can  wonder  if  more  of  these  confiding 
people  go  and  do  likewise. 

It  is  to  be  apprehended  that  there  will  be  much 
difficulty  among  the  Shawnees  on  that  subject,  as 
many  of  them  do  not  believe  in  the  system  at  all,  and 
as  the  subject  is  agitating  every  section  of  the  coun 
try,  what  a  picture  one  of  these  Missions  would 
present  to  the  world  !  and  there  are  just  such  pic 
tures  here  among  the  Indians.  What  a  stumbling- 
block  this  is!  Such  inconsistencies  as  are  now  to  be 
seen  here  at  some  of  these  places  !  How  infidels  can 
retort  on  professing  Christians  on  account  of  such 
conduct! 

What  a  heterogeneous  company  compose  one 
of  those  Missions !  Rich  slave-holding  preachers, 
exhorters,  and  school-teachers;  Indian  chiefs,  preach 
ers,  and  scholars,  too,  rich  in  lands  and  other  pro 
perty — the  whites  receiving  pay  for  their  own  labor, 
(and  for  the  blacks'  too),  the  Indians  receiving  the 
benefit;  all  members  of  the  same  church,  eat  their 
bread  and  drink  their  wine  at  the  same  communion 
table,  and  unite  in  the  same  family  devotion !  But 
then,  too,  there  is  another  class  of  human  beings  at 


?80  HISTORY    OF    THE 

the  same  Mission,  but  alas  for  them,  they  are  black  1 
These,  as  some  have  it,  are  the  descendants  of  Ham, 
are  under  Canaan's  curse,  and  have  no  part  nor  lot 
in  this  matter,  only  to  serve  their  brethren,  the  de 
scendants  of  Japhet.  "  These  reap  down  the  fields, 
and  their  wages  are  withheld  from  them." 

Such  a  course,  as  this,  does  not  suit  me.  I  have 
long  been  concerned  for  the  welfare  of  the  poor 
Indians,  and  labored  for  their  instruction,  too,  but 
sooner  than  mate  slaves  of  another  race  of  men,  for 
whom,  I  believe,  Christ  died  as  well  as  for  me  or  for 
the  Indians,  and  who  are  as  precious  in  his  sight  as 
I  am,  as  an  Indian  is,  or  as  a  slaveholder  is,  and 
who  has  as  much  interest  in  an  inheritance  in  the 
New  Jerusalem  as  any  of  us  have,  I  would  let  them 
alone ;  for  I  do  most  conscientiously  believe  we  had 
better  not  say  one  word  to  them  about  religion,  unless 
we  strive  to  direct  them  in  the  ways  of  righteous 
ness,  truth,  and  justice  toward  all  men,  lest  we  make 
hypocrites  of  them  at  last.  If  this  ever  reaches  any 
of  those  Missions,  I  hope  it  will  be  received  in  the 
right  spirit,  as  from  a  friend. 


ftHAWNEE    INDIANS.  281 


CHAPTER  XLYIIL 


ON  the  eighth  of  the  second  month,  1854,  the 
Shawnees  met  in  general  council,  at  their  meeting 
house,  to  decide  on  the  subject  of  forming  themselves 
into  a  "body  politic"  by  the  adoption  of  a  Constitu 
tion,  preparatory  to  the  forming  of  a  code  of  laws  for 
the  government  of  themselves  and  the  protection  of 
their  persons  and  property.  On  the  question  of, 
whether  the  nation  was  then  in  favor  of  the  measure, 
it  was  referred  to  a  council  composed  of  the  head 
chief  (Joseph  Parks,  a  sensible,  intelligent  man,  who 
has  long  been  in  public  business)  and  eleven  of  their 
oldest  and  best  counselors.  The  question  elicited  a 
very  warm  and  animated  discussion,  in  which  Parks, 
Blackhoof,  and  George  McDougal  participated,  all 
of  whom  have  been  in  active  life  for  thirty  years  past. 
These  men  are  all  who  are  living  of  what  they  term 
"the  old  stock  of  the  Ohio  Shawnees."  They  have 
been  in  all  the  vicissitudes  of  life,  through  which  the 
nation  has  passed  since  it  was  in  its  wild,  savage, 
and  uncultivated  state ;  they  have  seen  their  people 
emerging  from  a  barbarous  state  (for  a  long  time 
slowly  and  tardily),  have  themselves  advanced 
ahead — Joseph  Parks  at  first,  next  Blackhoof,  and 


HISTORY    OF    THE 

afterward  McDougal.  These,  as  I  remarked,  are  the 
only  chiefs  of  the  old  set  now  living,  except  Letha, 
who  is  too  infirm  to  attend  to  business.  These  three, 
entirely  to  their  credit,  took  the  lead ;  Parks  has  for 
many  years,  by  his  noble  example  in  that  of  farming 
r.nd  raising  stock,  of  advising  his  people  to  pursue  a 
like  course,  of  schooling  his  children  and  encouraging 
others  to  the  same  course,  in  advising  and  remon 
strating  with  them  against  using  strong  drink,  and 
in  almost  every  other  quality  which  constitutes  or 
crowns  a  great  man  in  the  eyes  of  Christians  ;  he  has 
always  fed  the  hungry  and  ministered  to  the  wants 
of  the  poor,  the  destitute,  and  the  afflicted.  His 
house  has  been  the  resort  of  all  classes  ;  the  sums  he 
has  bestowed  on  his  people  in  this  way,  within  the 
last  thirty  years,  would  amount  to  a  fortune,  and  still 
he  is  very  wealthy. 

After  having  digressed  thus  far  in  the  remarks  I 

CD  O 

have  been  led  into,  respecting  Joseph  Parks,  I  shall 
recur  to  the  council  on  the  subject  of  a  Constitution. 
Parks  acted  as  president  of  the  council,  or  conven 
tion.  He  informed  the  council  that  he  should  not 
say  much  to  them  on  the  subject,  but  leave  the  mat 
ter  very  much  to  them,  as  they  knew  he  had  urged 
on  the  Shawnees,  for  years,  to  make  laws  for  their 
government,  and  in  this  way  to  alter  their  manner 
of  getting  along.  He  said  he  had  been  head  chief 
now  for  several  years,  that  strangers  often  visited  the 
different  Missions  that  are  among  the  Shawnees,  and 
these  people  would  ask  him  what  kind  of  laws  the 
Shawueee  had — the  answer  was,  none ;  they  would 


8HAWNEK    INDIANS.  283 

ask  if  they  had  any  chiefs,  and  who  was  their  head 
chief — the  answer  was  that  they  had,  and  that  Joseph 
Parks  was  their  head  chief.  The  reply  generally 
was — '"'Well,  he  is  a  good  chief."  "Now,"  said  he, 
"suppose  I  am  a  good  chief,  what  can  I  do?  how 
can  I  work  without  tools  ?  You  have  sent  me  out  to 
work  without  anything  to  work  with.  How  can  you 
expect  me  to  do  your  work  without  giving  me  in  my 
hands  tools  to  do  your  work  with?"  He  said  that 
our  young  men  (some  of  them)  would  go  into  the 
State,  and  get  liquor,  carry  it  out  by  him,  hold  up  the 
bottle  to  his  face,  and  say,  "Here  is  my  whisky ! 
spill  it,  if  you  dare !"  "  Well,"  said  Parks,  "  I  had 
no  authority  to  do  anything,  and  these  fellows  know 
it.  Now,  you  make  laws,  and  I  will  very  soon  let 
these  men  see  whether  I  will  do  anything  with  them 
or  not." 

Blackhoof  next  spoke,  and  said,  "  That  he  was 
now  an  old  man,  that  he  had  been  in  councils  ever 
since  he  was  a  young  man ;  that  he  heard  his  fore 
fathers  say,  that  the  time  would  arrive  when  the 
white  people  would  come  from  the  east,  and  try  to 
buy  the  Indians'  land,  and  tell  them  that  they  would 
remove  them  beyond  the  great  Mississippi  river,  and 
there,  give  them  a  home.  That  the  white  man  was 
emigrating  too  fast  from  the  east,  and  the  red  man 
would  soon  have  no  place  to  hunt  game  on,  but  the 
white  men  would  soon  be  all  round  them.  And  our 
forefathers  said,  the  whites  would  tell  us,  after  we  got 
there,  that  we  will  all  be  happy  there,  for  there 
we  will  have  all  the  country  to  ourselves,  to  hunt 


$84  HISTORY    OF    THB 

in,  and  that  we  never  would  be  disturbed  there  any 
more,  and  that  the  red  men  would  have  to  do  like 
white  men ;  that  is,  to  go  to  work  and  raise  such 
things  as  we  shall  need  to  live  upon,  and  raise  our 
families ;  raise  corn,  wheat,  and  stock,  etc.  They 
told  us,  that  there  would  be  good  white  people,  that 
would  teach  our  children  how  to  read  and  write,  and 
work  too,  and  learn  us  all  to  live  like  white  people  do. 
That  all  good  and  reasonable  white  people  would 
respect  us. 

They  used  to  tell  us,  that  all  good  Shawnee  people 
would  give  their  children  to  such  people  to  be  edu 
cated  ;  all  who  wish  their  children  well  would  do  that — 
would  trust  them  to  good  white  teachers ;  that  if  we 
would  thus  give  our  children  up  to  be  educated  in 
this  way,  that  when  they  should  grow  up  to  be  men 
and  women,  that  they  would  be  respected  by  good 
white  people,  and  become  wise  and  good ;  but  that 
all  the  bad  Indians  would  always  hate  these  men  and 
women,  worse  than  they  would  the  whites. 

'*  Now,"  said  Blackhoof,  "it  has  turned  out  just 
so.  These  were  the  words  of  our  forefathers,  and 
they  have  all  proved  to  be  true.  I  myself  saw  the 
evils  of  drinking  whisky  ten  years  ago,  and  I  quit 
drinking,  and  I  have  prospered  ever  since ;  and  all 
who  have  left  off  drinking  any  length  of  time,  are 
now  doing  well.  They  not  only  have  plenty  to  do 
them  now  for  the  present,  but  they  look  forward  to 
be  provided  with  plenty  to  sustain  them  in  their  old 
age,  when  they  are  unable  longer  to  labor,  and  there 
fore,  they  work  hard  now.  My  friends,  this  is  the 


SHAWNEE    INDIANS. 


course  we  had  better  all  pursue  in  future,  anf  then 
the  white  people  would  look  upon  us  as  they  io  on 
their  own  people,  and  respect  us ;  but  as  it  is,  they  do 
not,  for  they  look  upon  the  drunkard  with  a  scornful 
eye,  and  upon  him  who  breaks  his  promise  with  con 
tempt,  and  hate  him. 

"  My  brothers,  it  is  now  high  time  that  we  should 
try  and  do  something  for  ourselves.  I  mean  in  this, 
that  we  should  frame  laws  and  regulations  for  the  pro 
tection  of  our  good  citizens,  and  not  allow  those  who 
do  not  work  to  impose  on  us.  You  may  say  you 
have  chiefs  elected  once  every  year.  I  ask  you  what 
we  have  chiefs  for?  Well,  the  truth  is,  we  have 
chiefs,  but  what  for?  I,  for  my  part,  do  not  know. 
I  will  try  and  explain  this.  We  have  chiefs  to  do 
the  nation's  business.  You  send  us  out  to  work  for 
you,  but  you  have  never  given  us  anything  to  work 
with.  You  might  as  well  send  us  to  the  field  to  hoe 
your  corn  without  hoes.  Suppose  you  were  to  do 
that,  how  could  you  expect  us  to  hoe  your  corn  ?  bat 
still  you  would  turn  round  and  grumble  at  us  for  not 
doing  your  work.  Just  so  now,  are  your  chiefs  situ 
ated ;  you  ask  us  to  attend  to  your  business,  and 
have  given  us  no  authority  to  do  it,  and  you  turn  on 
us  and  complain,  because  your  business  is  not  attended 
to,  and  because  we  do  not  stop  this  bad  way,  we  are 
all  getting  along.  If  one  man  owes  another  any 
thing  and  won't  pay,  how  is  the  creditor  to  get  his 
money  ?  You  may  say,  go  to  the  chiefs  and  they 
will  assist  him.  Now,  let  me  ask  you,  what 
power  have  the  chiefs  to  do  anything  for  him  ?  I 


286  HISTORY    OF    TFB 

answer,  none  at  all.  This  is  just  like  sending  a  man 
out  to  work  without  anything  to  work  with.  Now, 
let  us  make  laws,  and  give  our  chiefs  some  authority 
to  work,  and  they  can  work  ;  they  will  make  a  good 
crop  for  the  nation.  I  hope  all  will  agree  to  go  to 
work  and  make  laws  for  our  government,  and  author 
ize  the  chiefs  to  put  these  laws  in  force,  so  all  of  us 
may  be  protected  in  the  possession  of  our  property 
and  in  our  persons.  This  is  my  wish,  and  it  is  all  I 
have  to  say  at  this  time  on  the  subject." 

Here  I  may  remark,  that  Blackhoof  is  a  son  of  the 
old  celebrated  chief  of  that  name,  about  whom,  I 
have  said  much  in  a  preceding  chapter.  He  was  born 
in  1795,  and  is  now  about  60  years  of  age.  I  have 
been  acquainted  with  him  for  nearly  thirty  years  ;  he 
has  always  been  counted  an  honest  man,  but  not  till 
a  few  years  past,  much  inclined  to  work,  but  ever  a 
friend  to  education,  has  sent  all  his  children  to  school, 
and  some  of  them  are  doing  very  well.  He  used  to 
be  very  intemperate  at  times,  but  has  entirely  left  off 
drinking  strong  drink,  owns  a  good  farm,  well  im 
proved,  with  orchard  and  good  house,  as  well  as 
good  stock  of  horses,  cattle,  etc.  His  wife  is  a  neat 
housekeeper,  and  an  industrious  woman,  but  neither 
of  them  ever  learned  to  understand  or  speak  our  lan 
guage,  although  they  have  become  so  well  acquainted 
with  the  customs  and  manners  of  the  white  people, 
and  dress  as  the  whites  do.  He  is  not  a  man  of 
extraordinary  ability,  in  comparison  with  his  father, 
still,  he  is  a  good  speaker,  and  a  very  kind-hearted 
man. 


SHAWNEE    INDIANS. 


287 


George  McDouga!  followed  in  the  same  strain, 
detailing  the  manner  of  their  getting  along  while  they 
followed  their  wandering  life  ;  the  hardships  they  met 
with  before  the  labors  of  their  friends  commenced 
for  their  instruction,  and  drew  a  picture  of  their  con 
dition  when  in  a  savage  state,  and  then  contrasted  it 
with  their  present  condition,  in  which  he  was  very 
happy  and  eloquent,  and  mixed  his  several  compari 
sons  with  a  good  deal  of  wit.  He  said,  "  he  had 
tried  both  places — that  he  liked  the  ways  of  the 
white  men  much  the  best  anyhow  ;  he  liked  not  only 
the  ways  of  white  people  best,  but  he  liked  them  the 
best  anyhow,  and  that  if  he  knew  he  would  live 
thirty  years  longer,  that  he  would  have  a  white  wife 
if  he  could  get  one."  This  caused  a  great  laugh 
among  the  Indians. 

This  man  is  near  sixty  years  of  age,  is  a  very 
shrewd  man,  very  lively,  can  speak  our  language 
some,  and  is  a  good  speaker ;  used  to  be  very  intem 
perate,  but  has  very  much  reformed,  and  now  is  a 
temperate  man,  well-informed,  and  a  very  honest 
man. 

Several  others  took  part  in  the  discussion,  and  the 
debate  closed  the  same  day.  But  before  it  closed, 
George  Bluejacket  objected  to  the  measure,  and  re 
ferred  the  council  to  the  situation  of  the  Wyandots, 
"  who,"  he  said,  "  had  laws,  and  by  that  had  learned 
many  bad  practices  from  the  whites,  such  as  card- 
playing,  cheating,  lying,  and  the  like,  and  had  got 
worse  ever  since."  This  man  never  had  any  educa 
tion.  Charles  Bluejacket,  (his  brother,)  replied,  and 


288  HISTORY    OF    THE 

among  other  things,  wished  to  know  how  his  brother 
came  to  know  so  much  about  the  bad  ways  of  these 
Wyandots  and  nothing  of  their  good  ones.  He  said 
he  was  thankful  that,  of  the  twelve  counselors,  only 
two  were  of  his  brother's  opinion.  Charles  is  edu 
cated,  and  is  a  very  orderly,  sensible  man,  has  a  good 
farm  and  buildings,  and  a  well-furnished  house,  and 
lives  well,  and  has  good  stock.  He  received  his  edu 
cation  with  the  Friends;  he  is  about  thirty- five  years 
of  age,  and  is  a  religious,  sober  man.  The  question 
on  agreeing  to  a  Constitution  (after  several  others 
had  taken  part  in  the  discussion)  was  carried  by  ten 
for,  and  two  against  it,  so  it  was  adopted. 

I  shall  add  a  few  of  my  reflections  on  the  subject 
of  again  disturbing  these  people,  in  their  happy  and 
prosperous  condition,  which,  I  hope,  may  reach  the 
feelings  of  some,  so  they  can  mingle  their  feelings  of 
sympathy  with  mine,  for  these  poor  Indians,  before 
they  are  entirely  gone  from  the  earth. 

Most  of  the  Shawnees  who  are  now  living,  have  been 
raised  up  entirely  to  the  pursuits  of  agriculture,  and  it 
is  the  only  way  to  procure  a  support  for  themselves 
and  families  that  they  know  anything  about.  They 
know  no  more  about  a  wild,  roving  life  (many  of 
them)  than  we  do;  and  for  them  now  to  be  driven 
from  their  location  and  pursuits,  to  seek  a  subsistence 
from  the  wild  animals  of  the  forest  or  the  plain,  they 
would  do  no  better  than  the  white  people  would  in 
such  circumstances. 

It  is  my  settled  opinion  that,  if  the  Indians  in  what 
is  called  the  "  Indian  Territory,"  do  sell  off  a  part 


8HAWNEE    INDIANS. 

of  their  lands,  and  the  whites  get  settled  among 
them,  that  it  will  matter  little  what  the  Indians  may 
now  resolve  to  do,  or  what  they  retain  as  reservations 
for  themselves  to  live  on,  or  how  firmly  they  may 
establish  their  minds  on  a  determination  (at  the  time 
they  may  sell  a  part  of  their  lands,)  to  forever  con 
tinue  on  the  remainder,  they  will  ultimately  have  to 
leave,  and  seek  a  home  somewhere  else.  This  has 
ever  been  the  case,  and  our  government  gets  no  bet 
ter,  that  is  certain. 

We  have  been  the  cause  of  the  destruction  of 
nearly  a  whole  race  of  men,  by  introducing  strong 
drink  among  them,  by  our  avaricious  thirst  for  their 
land,  and  by  the  desolating  wars  we  have  carried 
into  their  country. 

They  have  at  last  arrived  at  a  crisis.  What  next 
are  they  to  do  ?  The  few  remaining  fragments  of 
tribes,  who  are  concentrated  in  what  is  called  the 
"  Indian  Territory,"  are  now  where,  they  were  told, 
was  the  place  set  apart  as  an  asylum  for  them,  as 
long  as  any  of  them  should  live— a  place  of  refuge  for 
them  and  their  posterity  forever.  This  they  learned 
from  the  American  government.  This,  they  were 
told,  was  to  be  kept  out  of  the  reach  of  the  white 
man's  grasp. 

This  country  was  purchased  of  its  original  owners 
expressly  for  that  very  purpose,  marked  out  by  metes 
and  bounds  for  them,  "never  to  be  put  under  the 
white  man's  control— never  to  be  trod  by  the  white 
man's  foot"— to  be  entirely  under  the  unmolested 
management  of  the  Indians  themselves.  The  Eng- 
19 


J90 


HISTORY    OF    THH 


lish  vocabulary  was  exhausted  to  find  language 
adequate  to  portray  to  these  people  the  sympathy 
felt  for  them  by  the  American  government  and  the 
American  people ;  and  they  were  induced  to  believe 
that  it  was  even  so,  that  it  was  for  their  welfare,  that 
the  feelings  of  the  people  of  the  United  States  were 
so  much  awakened,  notwithstanding  they  had  here 
tofore  manifested  not  much  feeling  for  them,  still 
they  were  credulous  enough  to  believe  them,  and 
agreed,  again,  to  leave  their  pleasant  streams — their 
native  hunting-grounds — their  beloved  homes — and, 
hardest  of  all,  the  graves  of  their  fathers,  and  seek 
another  home,  to  go  to  this  "  promised  land"  with  the 
consolatory  assurance  of  at  last  reaching  a  "  Goshen," 
a  land  of  rest.  This  cheered  them  on,  as  they  ex 
pected  this  place  would  be  to  them  a  place  of  final 
refuge,  where  they  could  dwell  in  safety  alone. 


OQ1 

8HAWNEK   INDIANS. 


CHAPTER  XLIX 


I,  the  rear  1660,  there  were  about  forty  different 
tribes  of  Indians  who  inhabited  the  country  ea. 


number    about    one    hundred    and 
souls.     Of  these,  small  remnants  of  a  few  tnbcs  are 
still  living  in  the  States  of  New  York  and  Michigan 
and  number  little  over  twelve  thousand;  and  ot  the 
remainder  who  existed  as  tribes  at  the  t,me  mentioned 
above,  about  fifteen  tribes  are  now  livmg  west  of  the 
State  of  Missouri  and  Arkansas;  many  of  these  are 
but  very  small  remnants  of  what  were  once  numerous 
tribes.     The  whole  number  of  these  would  probably, 
not  exceed  fifty  thousand.     At  least,  one-half  of  the 
tribes  who  inhabited  that  country  two  centuries  since, 
are  now  totally  eztinet-the   races  who   compos 
them  entirely  gone  from  the  earth.  ...'.'. 

So  hard  has  been  the  fate  of  these  people  that,  m 
the' lapse  of  two  centuries,  they  have  disappeared 
before  the  whiie  man  until  they  are  now  reduced  to 
little  more  than  one-fourth  their  number  at  that 
period  ;  while  the  whites  have  increased  from  a  few 
thousands  to  twenty  millions ;  and  even  the  blacks 


HISTORY    OF    THE 


have  increased,  in  the  same  lime,  from  a  few  hundreds 
to  over  three  millions,  and  that,  too,  in  a  state  of 
abject  slavery. 

All  this  has   happened.     Now,  here  is  a  serious 
question  for  Americans  to  solve  :  What  has  been  the 
cause  of  this  great  disparity  in  the  fate  of  these  races 
r  men  ?     Who  is  to  answer  for  this  ?     There  must 
be  some  cause,  but  what  is  it?     Is  it  the  climate? 
The  answer  is  :  It  cannot  be  that,  as  the  climate  is 
congenial  to  the  Indians,  and  they  were  prosperous 
3  before  the  whites  arrived  in  their  country      Is 
caused  by  the  bad  treatment  of  the  white  people  ? 
Ah  .  to    this  solemn  question  we   are  compelled  to 
answer  in  the  affirmative. 

This  attempt,  at  this  time,  again  to  purchase  from 
e  Shawnees  their  homes  and  send  them  to  another 
in  a  strange  land,  has  thrown  them  into  great  com- 
motion,  although  many  of  them  are  aware  of  their 
right  to  the  soil  here,  and  that  government  will  not 
force  them  from  it  if  they  refuse  to  sell ;  still  many 
others   are  fearful  that  the  United   States  will  ulti 
mately  have  all  their  country,  and  only  have  to  refer 
ick  to  past  events  to  justify  that  fear,  as  they  are 
.ow  thrown  into  such  a  situation  that  they  arc  becom 
ing  fearful  of  some  of  their  own  people,  lest  they  may 
be  betrayed   by  them.     Being  at  present  a  sojourncr 
among  them,  engaged  in  the  Friends'  Mission,  I  find 
that  they  are  becoming  very  much  unsettled  in  their 
minds,   which  is  calculated  to  be  of  vast  injury  to 
hem,  as   it  will   unsettle  them  and  paralyze  their 
efforts  in  improving  their  lands. 


6HAWNEE    INDIANS. 

They  know  very  well  that  they  have  been  driven 
from  one   place   to  another,  to  make   room   for  the 
whites,  always  with   assurances    that  each  removal 
will  be  the  last.     So  often  have  they  been  treated  m 
this  way,   that  they,  if   again   sent  off,  will  utterly 
despair,  and  give  over  ever  more  striving  for  anoti 
home  where   they  can  remain ;   and  if  they  are  to 
leave  here,  as  good  policy,  it  seems  to  me,  as  any, 
would  be  to  avoid  all  hypocrisy  and  false  pretensions 
in  the  matter,  and  turn  them  over  the  line  and  give 
them  up  to  their  fate  ;  then  they  would  be  no  longer 
deceived  (or   not    again    deceived).     They  can    in 
turnincr  to  the  west,  see  nothing  but  savages  and  wile 
beasts0  before'  them.      If  they   leave   their   present 
manner  of  life  for  a  wild  one,  they  know  very  wel 
they  cannot  live,  and  to  pursue  such  a  course  as  they 
now  do,  in  that  country,  they  are  well  aware,  with 
them  will  be  out  of  the  question. 

In  many  of  the  treaties  with  Indian  tribes,   and 
particularly  after  they  have  been  engaged*  in  a  war 
which  had  been  very  destructive  to  the  Indians,  and 
which,  in  some  cases,  was  caused  by  the  conduct  ol 
bad  designing  white  men,  there  is  an  article  placed  in 
a  very  conspicuous  place  in  the  treaty  (generally  tl 
first  article)  declaring,  that  for  the  manifestations 
good-will  the  said  Indian  tribes  l^ve  for  the 
States,  for  their  many  acts  of  kindness  toward  them, 
and  the  benevolent  course  pursued  in  regard  tc 
and  to  defray  the  expense  of  the  late  war,  etc.,  the 
said  tribes  hereby  cede  the  following  tract,  or  tracts, 
of  land,  etc.     Now  all  this  saying  about  ceding  tl 


HISTORY    OF    TUB 


lands  as  a  token  of  respect  and  of  the  good-will  the 
liana  have  for  the  very  people  who  have  just  con 
quered  them,  is  altogether  hypocritical  in  them  ;  they, 
on   such   occasions,  have  not  much   good  feeling  for 
their  conquerors,  neither  do  they  believe  that  their 
late  enemies  have  shown  them  much  protection  in 
destroying  all  they  could  of 'their  people.      This  is 
all  wrong  to  compel  them  to  sign  such  an  article.     It 
is  contrary  to  the  nature  of  an  Indian's  character  to 
say  such  things  as  these.     The  truth  would  be  told 
much  belter,  in. these   treaties,  to  let  them  say,  that 
because  they  have  been  overpowered  in  the  late  war, 
and  to  save  themselves   from   destruction   and   their 
families  from  suffering,  they  agree  to  cede  their  lands 
away  m  order  to  pny  for  those  desolating  wars  that 
have  Deen  carried  into  their  country,  in  which  their 
men   have   been  killed,  and   the  corn  and  whatever 
irfse  they  had  provided  for  their  women  and  children 
have  been  destroyed,  and  unless  they  submit  to  the 
terms    ofcrtheir    conquerors,    they    shall    all   perish 
together. 

In  giving  the  account  of  the  treatment  the  Shaw- 
nees  have  received  at  the  hands  of  the  government 
and  people  of  the  United  States,  I  have  endeavored 
to  give  a  true  statement  of  facts  as  they  transpired  - 
is  no  picturo^ut,  I  trust,  a  fair  account.     I  sup 
pose  that  the  Shawnees  have   fared  about  like   the 
other  tribes  have,  although  they  had  reason  to  look 
more  favors  than  most  others  had,  as  many  of 
them  were  fast  friends  and  allies  to  the  United  States 
during  the  last  war  with   England.     But  still,  could 


INDIANS.  £95 

we  be  furnished  with  a  history  of  each  of  those 
Indian  tribes,  which  once  dwelt  east  of  the  Missis 
sippi  river,  and  the  whole  was  contained  in  one  volume, 
what  a  startling  volume  of  alarming  facts  it  would 
present!  what  disclosures  of  fraud  would  be  made! 
what  deception,  wrongs,  and  cruelty  would  it  contain ! 
what  a  commentary  would  it  afford  on  our  Christian- 
professing,  missionary  people  !  This,  in  all  proba 
bility,  never  will  be  done,  but  nevertheless,  the  facts 
of  their  multiplied  wrongs  are  still  standing  as  open 
accounts  against  us  as  a  nation,  and  remain  unac 
counted  for ;  restitution  is  not  made  ;  many  whole 
tribes  have  become  extinct  under  our  treatment  of 
them,  and  are  forever  out  of  our  reach,  and  the 
remainder  fast  following  them ;  and  now,  to  crown 
the  whole  matter,  an  onset  is  to  be  made  on  them  to 
send  them  off  to  seek  another  home  ;  and  to  aggra 
vate  the  crime,  we  are  to  tell  thorn  it  is  to  better 
their  condition  that  we  wish  them  to  leave  where 
they  now  are  "and  seek  a  more  desirable  home." 
Well,  now  why  do  we  say  a  more  desirable  home, 
when  they  are  perfectly  satisfied  with  their  present 
home?  This  is  hypocritical,  to  tell  them  we  wish 
them  removed  to  better  their  condition;  that  is  not 
what  we  are  after,  it  is  their  land  we  want,  we  know 
it  is  rich,  or  we  would  let  the  present  owners  remain 
on  it  at  their  .wish 

Names  of  Indian  tribes  who  inhabited  the  country 
east  of  the  Mississippi  river  in  the  year  1660,  and 
who  have  become  entirely  extinct  from  the  earth  : — 


596  HISTORJT    OF    THfl 


Narragansets,     Caneamens,    Abenakes,    Penobscot 
Passamaquoddy,  Androscoggio,  Sukokces,  Mohawk 
Penacoaks,    Massachusetts,    Pakanookets,    Pequods, 
Lenmlenapes,  Mohikans,   Nanticokes,   Corces    Pow- 
hattans,  Illinois,  Tuscaroras,  Uchees,  Natchez,  Mobi- 
hans  Yemassees.     In  all,  twenty-four  tribes  missing 
I  he  following  are  the  names  of  the  tribes,  still  in 
existence,  who,  at  the  above  period,  resided  east  of 
3  Mississippi  river,  and  now  reside  west  of  that 
river  most  of  whom  are  mere  remnants  of  tribes,  to 
wit:  Mianus,  Muncees,  Delawares,  Shawnees,  Creeks 
Ottawas,  Pottawatomies,  Menomenees,  Sac  and  Fox 
Chippewas,  Winnebagoes,   Cherokees,  Weas,  Stock-' 
bridge,  and  Senecas.     In  all,  eighteen  tribes 


„  t  °Q7 

SHAWNEE    INDIANS. 


CHAPTER  L. 


CONVERSATION,  purporting  to  be  between  a  south 
ern  Missionary  and  an  educated  Indian,  on  the  subject 
of  the  use  of  slaves  at  Christian  Missions  among  the 
Indians. 

Ind.  How  many  races  of  men  are   there  in   the 

world  ? 

Miss.  Only  one  race;  all  are  descendants  of  Adam. 

Ind.  After  the  flood,  did  not  all  come  from  Noah? 

Miss.  Certainly  they  did,  but  Noah  descended 
from  Adam. 

Ind.  How  was  it  then,  if  all  came  of  one  man,  that 
some  are  black? 

Miss.  That  is  a  hard  question  for  me  to  answer, 
but  we  know  it  is  so.  Noah  had  three  sons,  Shem, 
Ham,  and  Japhet,  and  as  Ham  signifies  black,  I  sup 
pose  his  posterity  must  be  the  Negroes,  although  he 
himself  was  of  the  same  complexion  as  his  brothers, 
as  they  had  the  same  parents. 

Ind.  Well,  I  want  to  know  how,  if  he  was  white, 
his  posterity  became  black  ? 

Miss.  Noah  was  said  to  be  a  good  man,  but  he 
drank  too  much 'wine,  on  a  certain  occasion,  and  be 
came  drunk,  and  Ham  made  sport  of  him,  and  when 


298  HISTORY   OF   THB 

his  father  awoke  out  of  his  sleep,  he  found  this  out 
somehow,  he  became  angry  at  Ham  for  his  bad  con 
duct,  and  cursed  him  for  it,  nnd  said:  "Blessed  be 
the  Lord  God  of  Shem  and  Japhet,"  but,  said  he, 
"Cursed  be  Canaan,  a  servant  of  servants  shall  he 
be  to  his  brethren." 

Ind.  This  was  not  Ham,  though,  but  one  of  his 
sons.  How  did  this  happen,  that  Canaan  was  cursed 
for  what  his  father  had  done,  and  his  other  children 
let  go  unpunished?  but  if  Canaan  was  cursed,  and 
his  posterity  after  him,  with  servitude,  how  was  it 
that  they  were  made  black  too?  but  as  the  curse  was 
only  against  Canaan,  how  can  we  contend  that  his 
posterity  were  cursed  with  servitude,  as  well  as  him 
self? 

M'I.SS.  That  is  rather  too  hard  a  question  to  answer, 
but  we  think  they  were  black,  from  the  fact,  that 
Canaan's  father's  name  signifies  black.  We  are  sat- 
fied  to  have  it  so  anyhow,  and  as  Ham  had  his  portion 
in  Africa. 

Ind.  Is  that  the  reason  you  make  slaves  of  the 
blacks  ? 

Miss.  That  is  the  best  reason  we  can  give  you. 

Ind.  Well — this  happened  many  years  ago,  did 
it  not,  nearly  four  thousand  years  back  ?  but 
did  there  not  a  circumstance  take  place  since  that, 
to  bring  about  a  change  in  the  order  of  things? 
What  did  Jesus  Christ  come  into  the  world  for,  but 
to  put  an  end  to  all  such  things,  and  to  establish  right 
eousness,  peace,  and  justice  on  the  earth,  and  to  do 
p.way  that  of  one  race  of  men  being  punished  for  the 


8HAWKEB    INDIANS. 

sins  of  another,  and   that  of  people  oppressing  one 

another  ?     What  docs  ihe  Testament  say  about  that? 

Miss.  Yes,  he  did  ;  and  the  Testament  says,   to 

put  an  end  to  sin,  and  finish  transgression.     This  we 

all  confess.  ,  *  «• 

Intl.  If  he  came  for  that  purpose,  and  fulfilled  his 
mission,  how  does  it  happen  that  sin  yet  abounds  in 
the  world  ?    I  should  like  to  be  informed  about  that, 
Miss.  Because  bad  people  don't  keep  his  command 
ments. 

*»  Ind  I  wish  now  to  be  informed,  how  it  happens, 
that  the  black  people  can  be  held  in  bondage  by 
crood  missionaries  ;  that  I  am  very  anxious  to  know  . 
I  don't  understand  it,  and  as  you  are  here  to  teach  the 
Indians,  I  want  you  to  explain  all  about  it,  as  I  think 
it  is  wrong,  and  I  don't  see  how  it  is  right  for  even 
missionaries  to  do  wrong. 

Miss.  I  hardly  know  how  to  explain  this  to  In 
dians  as  I  can  scarcely  understand  it  myself,  but  I 
have  heard  our  best  men  say,  that  the  blacks  arc 
much  enlightened  by  being  with  us,  if  they  are  m 
bondage,  as  they  see  so  much  light  from  us  by  our 
godly  worth  before  them  ;  and  that  they  will,  if  set 
free  after  a  few  more  generations,  know  better  how- 
to  appreciate  freedom  as  well  as  Christianity. 

Ind.  Now,  as  each  generation  comes  in,  in  a  state 
of  bondage,  they  remain  so  as  long  as  they  live,  and 
die  so,  how  is  the  following  generation  to  get  any 
light,  more  than  their  parents  did  ?  I  should  like  to 
know  that. 

Mas.  I  cannot  explain  that  so  ignorant  people  can 


'^/         ^  HISTOEr    OF    THE 

understand,  only  by  telling  them,  that  as  we  progress 
m  the  right  path,  and  our  lights  shine  with  more 
•ilhancy  than  our  fathers  did,  so,  of  course,  it  will 
illuminate  their  path  better,  as  they  follow  us  in  the 
ways  of  religion  and  truth. 

Ind.  I  can't  see  how  you  have  made  much  pro 
gress  since  the  days  of  John  Wesley  and  Adam 
Dlarke,  for  they  utterly  condemned  slavery ;  how  can 
you  follow  them,  and  hold  slaves  ? 

J/iwf.  We  let  our  works  show  the  progress  we 
have  made— our  church  Discipline  shows  that. 

Ind.  I  can  read  very  well,  and  I  know  that  your 
Discipline  says,  that  you  are  fully  aware  of  the  great 
evil  of  slavery.  Do  you  believe  with  them,  that 
slavery  is  a  great  evil— a  sin  ? 

Miss.  Of  course,  we  have  to  do  that,  or  we  should 
condemn  these  men  ;  we  suppose,  if  we  believe  them 
and  the  Testament,  it  is  an  evil— a  sin  to  hold  a 
slave. 

Ind.  'Does  your  Church  South,  own  Wesley  and 
Clarke,  as  your  great  men  ? 

Miss.  We  are  bound  to  do  that,  although  they  con 
demn  slavery  as  an  evil,  we  expect  to  bring  good  out 
of  it  at  last,  by  enlightening  our  slaves. 

Ind.  Must  we  continue  to  do  evil,  that  good  may 
come  of  it?  must  we  sin,  that  grace  may  abound? 
I  want  that  explained. 

Miss.  I  can't  answer  that,  so  Indians  can  under 
stand,  what  is  to  be  done  in  such  a  case  as  this. 

Ind.  Is  the  course  you  are  pursuing,  in  accordance 
with  the  fast,  which  the  Prophet  exhorts  us  to 


8HAWNEE    INDIANS. 

observe  ;  that  is,  to  loose  the  bonds  of  wickedness, 
break  every  yoke,  and  let  the  oppressed  go  free? 

Miss.  That  would  be  difficult  for  me  to  explain  to 
you,  being  an  Indian,  so  as  to  satisfy  you,  how  we 
can  be  keeping  such  a  fast  as  that,  while  we  have 
slaves,  and  I  would  rather  not  have  much  to  say  about 
that. 

2nd.  Why  don't  you  learn  your  slaves  to  read  the 
Testament  anyhow;  you  tell  the  Indians,  it  is- the 
Lord's  Book,  you  might  learn  them  that  much  at 
your  Sabbath  school,  and  not  lose  much  of  their  time  ; 
as  it  is  the  Lord's  Book,  let  them  learn  to  read  it  on 
the  Lord's  Day,  anyhow. 

Miss.  I  don't  like  "to  say  much  about  this  matter 
to  the  Indians,  and  it  don't  concern  them  anyhow,  so 
we  learn  them  to  read  it. 

Ind.  Do  any  of  your  slaves  belong  to  your 
Church  ? 

Miss.  Yes,  some  of  them  do. 

Ind.  Do  you  have  them  in  full  fellowship,  with 
you  and  your  Indian  members  at  the  communion 
table,  and  in  your  family  devotions  ? 

Miss.  No,  we  never  do,  such  a  course  would  not  do. 

Ind.  When  Jesus  commands  us,  to  do  to  others  as 
we  would  have  others  do  to  us,  does,  he  mean  the 
blacks  too,  as  well  as  others  ? 

Miss.  I  suppose  he  does  mean  them  too. 

Ind.  Would  any  of  you  missionaries  wish  to  be 
slaves  ? 

Miss.  I  suppose  not,  and  now  I  have  answered 
you  so  much,  that  I  hope  you  will  excuse  me. 


302  HISTORY   OF    THB 

Ind.  I  find  that  you  are  tired  of  answering  my 
questions,  bufc  as  you  are  here  for  the  purpose  of 
teaching  us  a  knowledge  of  the  Scriptures,  by  ex 
plaining  them  to  us,  and  of  what  our  duly  is,  I  wish 
to  ask  you  a  few  more  things,  which  I  want  you  to 
explain  to  me.  Here  are  four  Missions  among  the 
Shawnces:  the  Baptist,  Quakers,  and  what  you  call, 
"  the  Northern  Methodist,"  and  your  own.  The 
three  first,  do  not  hold  slaves,  because  they  think 
slavery  is  wrong,  and  so  they  tell  us  ;  but  you  hold 
them,  and  of  course,  you  think  it  is  not  wrong,  or  you 
would  not  dare  to  have  them  in  bondao-e.  NOAV, 

C3 

what  I  want  to  know,  is,  if  it  is  wrong  for  the  others 
to  hold  slaves,  how  can  it  be  "right  for  you  to  hold 
them  ?  They  tell  us  it  is  contrary  to  the  Bible,  to 
oppress  anybody,,  and  as  you  have  the  same  kind  of 
a  Bible,  what  is  the  reason  you  don't  see  as  they  do? 

Miss.  All  I  can  say  to  that,  is,  that,  of  course,  we 
ought  to  know  what  is  right  for  us  to  do,  before  we 
teach  others,  lest  we  might  lead  them  in  a  wrong 
path. 

Ind.  What  kind  of  people  was  it  that  the  Babylon 
ians  held  as  slaves,  for  which  they  were  so  bitterly 
complained  of,  for  making  merchandise  of?  Were 
they  the  descendants  of  Canaan,  and  all  black  ?  I 
would  like  to  hear  that  explained. 

Miss.  I  hope  not  to  have  to  explain  such  things  as 
that,  as  it  would  be  hard  for  me  to  make  ignorant 
people  understand  it ;  we  can't  attend  to  all  these 
things,  and  hold  slaves. 

Ind,  Well,  you  have  not  told  me  whether  the  other 


BHAWtfEE    ItfDIAJTS.  303 

missionaries  were  wrong  for  not  holding  slaves,  and 
advising  us  to  the  same  course  ? 

Miss.  I  am  not  sure  about  that  myself,  but  just  say, 
that  the  Indians  can  but  judge  us  all,  by  our  works. 

lud.  Would  you  advise  us  to  follow  their  example, 
or  yours,  in  that  matter? 

Miss.  I  must  beg  you  not  to  ask  me  any  more 
such  questions,  but  think  of  what  I  have  told  you 
already;  I  can't  answer  that  question. 


304  HISTORY    OF    THE 


CHAPTER  LI. 


As  a  warrior  and  speaker,  Cornstalk  is  the  first 
we  see  much  account  of  among  the  Shawnees.  He 
lived  to  a  considerable  old  age,  but  was  at  last  bar 
barously  murdered  by  the  Americans.  I  find  in 
"  Howe's  History  of  the  Great  West,"  these  re 
marks  :  "  The  chief,  Cornstalk,  was  a  man  of  true 
nobility  of  soul,  and  a  brave  warrior.  That  when 
he  returned  to  Piqua  town,  after  the  battle  of  Point 
Pleasant,  lie  called  a  council  of  the  nation  to  consult 
what  should  be  done,  and  upbraided  them  in  not 
suffering  him  to  make  peace  as  he  desired,  on  the 
evening  before  the  battle.  'What/  said  he,  'will 
you  do  now  ?  The  Bigknife  is  coming  on  us,  and 
we  shall  all  be  killed — now  you  must  fight,  or  we 
are  undone  ;'  but  no  one  answering,  he  said,  '  then 
let  us  kill  all  our  women  and  children,  and  go  and 
fight  till  we  die;'  but  no  answer  was  made,  when 
rising,  he  struck  his  tomahawk  into  a  post  of  the 
council-house,  and  exclaimed,  'I'll  go  and  make 
peace  !'  to  which  all  the  warriors  agreed,  '  Ough, 
Oui>-h,'  and  runners  were  immediately  dispatched  to 
Dunmore  to  solicit  peace. 

"In  the  year  1777,  he  was  atrociously  murdered  at 


BHAWJSEiC    INDIANS. 


$0$ 


Point  Pleasant.  As  his  murderers  were  approaching, 
his  son,  Eli-nip-se-co,  trembled  involuntarily.  His 
father  encouraged  him  not  to  be  afraid,  for  that  the 
Great  Man  above,  had  sent  him  there  to  be  killed, 
and  die  for  him.  As  the  men  advanced  to  the  door, 
Cornstalk  rose  up  and  met  them ;  they  fired,  and 
seven  or  eight  bullets  went  through  him.  So  fell  the 
great  Cornstalk  warrior,  whose  name  was  bestowed 
on  him  by  the  consent  of  the  nation,  as  their  great 
strength  and  support.  Had  he  lived,  it  was  believed 
that  he  would  have  been  friendly  with  the  Ameri 
cans,  as  he  had  come  over  to  visit  the  garrison  at 
Point  Pleasant  to  communicate  the  design  of  the 
Indians,  of  uniting  with  the  Britishers.  His  grave 
is  to  be  seen  at  Point  Pleasant,  to  the  present  day." 
The  same  author  gives  some  account  of  Logan,  the 
Mingo  chief,  in  connection  with  Cornstalk,  which,  aa 
he  was  the  last  who  survived  of  his  race,  and  who 
was  engaged  with  the  Shawness  in  Dunmore's  war,  I 
will  insert  the  account,  which  is  as  follows  : 

"  Logan,  the  Mingo  chief,  still  indignant  at  the 
murder  of  his  family,  refused  to  attend  the  council, 
or  to  be  seen  a  suppliant  among  the  other  chiefs ; 
yet,  to  Gen.  Gibson,  who  was  sent  as  an  envoy  to 
the  Shawnee  towns,  in  a  private  interview,  after 
weeping  as  if  his  very  heart  would  burst,  he  told  the 
past  history  of  his  wrongs  in  the  following  words: 

'"I  appeal  to  any  white  man  to  say,  if  ever  he  en 
tered   Logan's  cabin   hungry,  and  I  gave   him  no 
drink  ;  if  ever  he  carae  cold  and  naked,  and  I  gave 
him  not  clothing  ?' 
20 


306 


Off    XHK 


"  During  the  course  of  the  last  long  and  bloody 
war,  Logan  remained  in  his  tent,  an  advocate  of 
peace.  Nay,  such  was  my  love  for  the  whites,  that 
those  of  my  own  country  pointed  at  me  as  they  passed 
by,  and  said  :  '  Logan  is  the  friend  of  the  white  man/ 
I  had  even  thought  to  live  with  you,  but  for  the  inju 
ries  of  one  man.  Colonel  Craesap,  in  cold  blood,  and 
unprovoked,  cut  off  the  relations  of  Logan  —  not 
sparing  even  my  women  and  children.  There  runs 
not  a  drop  of  my  blood  in  the  veins  of  any  living 
creature.  This  called  on  me  for  revenge.  I  have 
sought  it.  I  have  killed  many.  I  have  fully  glutted 
my  vengeance.  For  my  country,  I  rejoice  at  the  beams 
of  peace  ;  yet  do  not  harbor  the  thought  that  mine  is 
the  joy  of  fear.  Logan  never  felt  fear.  He  will  not 
turn  on  his  heel  to  save  his  life.  Who  is  there  to 
mourn  for  Logan  ?  Not  one." 

This  brief  effusion  of  mingled  pride,  courage,  and 
sorrow,  elevated  the  character  of  the  native  American 
throughout  the  intelligent  world,  and  the  place  where 
it  was  delivered  (old  Chillicothe)  can  never  be  for 
gotten,  as  long  as  touching  eloquence  is  admired  by 
men. 

The  last  years  of  Logan  were  truly  melancholy. 
He  wandered  about  from  tribe  to  tribe,  a  solitary  and 
lonely  man ;  dejected  and  broken-hearted,  by  the  loss 
of  his  friends  and  the  decay  of  his  tribe,  he  resorted 
to  the  stimulus  of  strong  drink  to  drown  his  sor 
rows.  He  was  at  last  murdered  in  Michigan,  near 
Detroit.  He  was  at  the  time  sitting  with  his  blanket 
over  his  head,  before  a  camp-fire,  his  elbows  resting 


•HAWSES    INDIES.  SOT 

on  his  knees,  and  his  head  upon  his  hands,  buried 
in  profound  reflection,  when  an  Indian,  who  had  taken 
some  offense,  stole  behind  him  and  buried  his  toma 
hawk  in  his  brains.  Thus  perished  the  immortal 
Logan,  the  last  of  his  race  ! 

This  same  man  had,  on  one  occasion,  as  "  the 
friend  of  the  white  man,"  saved  the  life  of  Colonel 
Kenton,  after  he  had,  the  third  time,  been  sentenced 
by  the  Indians  to  be  burned  to  death. 

How  exceedingly  cruel  it  was,  after  all  he  had 
done,  after  having  his  whole  family  destroyed  by  the 
Americans,  that  he  was  so  little  cared  for,  that  he 
could,  in  his  own  native  strain,  lament  that  "there 
were  none  to  mourn  for  poor  Logan  —  not  one!" 
Where  was  Colonel  Kenton  then,  who  was  snatched 
from  the  flames,  by  this  poor  Indian,  and  who  was 
then  living  ? 

Some  of  the  descendants  of  Cornstalk  are  now 
living  on  Kanzas  river.  One  of  his  sons  lived  to  an 
advanced  age.  He  was  a  war-chief  and  a  very  in 
teresting  speaker.  He  had  given  over  his  wandering 
life  before  he  died,  and  was  for  several  years  a  very 
sober,  peaceable  man. 


HisiORr  OF  THH 


CHAPTER   III. 


ON  the  fifth  of  the  fourth  month,  1054,  the  Shaw 
nees,  to  the  number  of  about  one  hundred,  met  the 
United  States  agent  in  council,  at  their  meeting 
house,  to  which  council  they  were  called,  by  him,  to 
hear  a  proposition  from  government,  relative  to  the 
purchase  of  their  lands.  They  were  called  to  order 
about  one  o'clock,  p.  M.  He  made  a  few  remarks  to 
them,  introductory  to  the  reading  of  the  instructions 
he  had  received  from  the  Indian  Department  at 
Washington  City,  in  which  he  informed  them,  "  That 
their  great  father,  the  President  of  the  United  States, 
was  very  desirous  to  know  if  they  were  willing  to  sell  a 
part,  or  all  of  their  land  here;  that  he  was  continually 
urged  by  his  white  children  to  buy  more  land  for 
them,  as  they  had  become  so  numerous  that  they 
wanted  more  room,  and  had,  indeed,  become  very 
impatient,  and  many  of  them  were  now  at  the  line, 
waiting  only  for  the  Shawnees  to  sell,  to  get  over  ; 
that  they  were  becoming  so  anxious  to  remove  here 
that  he  did  not  know  but  those  behind  might  soon 
crowd  on,  that  they  would  be  over  anyhow.  He  said 
that  the  Shawnees  had  only  one  great  friend,  and 
that  was  the  President ;  that  he  wanted  to  protect  his 


SHAWNEE   INDIANS.  309 

red  children  ;  that  they  had  better  take  his  advice, 
for  if  he  was  to  withhold  his  protection  from  them, 
the  whites  would  take  possession  of  their  country,  and 
if  they  did,  the  Shawnee  nation  would  not  be  in 
existence  five  years,"  etc. 

He  said,  though,  that  the  Shawnees  could  do  as 
they  pleased,  they  could  keep  all  their  land,  or  sell  a 
part,  or  all ;  that  the  United  States  would  not  take  it 
from  them  without  their  consent. 

He  then  produced  a  power  of  attorney,  (from  the 
office  of  Indian  affairs)  authorizing  eight  delegates, 
appointed  by  the  Shawnee  nation,  to  proceed  to 
Washington,  with  full  power  to  conclude  a  treaty 
with  the  United  States,  for  the  sale  of  such  part,  or 
all  their  lands,  as  they  might  agree  to  sell,  in  the 
same  way,  and  to  be  as  binding  as  if  the  whole  nation 
were  present  and  agreeing  to  the  same. 

The  agent  put  the  question  whether  they  were  in 
favor  of  sending  a  delegation  as  proposed. 

The  vote  stood  :  for  the  delegation,  52 ;  against  it, 
32— in  all,  84.  The  agent,  then,  named  eight  per 
sons  as  delegates,  to  wit :  Joseph  Parks,  (well  known 
in  former  treaties,)  Blackhoof,  George  McDougal, 
Henry  Bluejacket,  George  Bluejacket,  Charles  Blue 
jacket,  Long-tail,  John  Bobbs,  and  Graham  Rodgers. 
These  were  all  declared  by  the  agent  to  be  the  choice 
for  delegates,  though  no  vote  was  taken  on  their  ap 
pointment  ;  neither  was  a  vote  taken  by  the  agent 
whether  the  Shawnees  were  willing  to  sell  all  their 
land  or  not.  The  agent,  it  was  said,  as  well  as  the 
delegation  now  announced  as  having  been  appointed, 


310  HISTORY    OF    THK 

understood  that  they  would  be  bound  by  the  resolu 
tion  of  the  nation,  in  presence  of  the  Commissioner 
of  Indian  Affairs,  the  preceding  fall,  which  was,  "that 
they  would  sell  one  million  of  acres  off  the  west  end 
of  their  land,  but  would  retain  the  other  for  the-ir  own 
use,"  which  contained  nearly  all  their  improvements. 

This  was,  perhaps,  as  good  a  delegation  as  they 
could  have  selected  in  the  nation.  Six  of  them  were 
of  the  Ohio  band,  all  men  of  intelligence,  and  well 
calculated  to  watch  their  own  interests  ;  and  the  other 
two  belonged  to  the  Missouri  band,  and  were  very 
good  Indians,  and  one  of  them  very  intelligent. 

The  Shawnces  were  very  much  alarmed  at  the 
idea  of  holding  this  treaty  at  Washington,  instead 
of  having  it,  as  usual,  in  their  own  country  ;  they 
dreaded  the  result,  lest  government  might  overpower 
them  and  get  all  their  land. 

The  delegation  made  a  treaty  at  Washington  City, 
and  they  were  true  to  their  trust,  and  guarded  well 
the  interests  of  their  people.  They,  by  that  treaty, 
ceded  to  the  United  States  one  million  acres  of  land, 
to  be  taken  off  the  west  end  of  their  land,  for  sixty 
cents  per  acre,  in  cash,  to  be  paid  in  large  install 
ments,  and  the  best  of  all  is,  that  the  treaty  provides 
that  none  of  this  money  shall  be  taken  to  pay  claims 
which  may  be  held  against  the  nation.  The  part 
retained  by  them  is  about  thirty  miles  west  by  twenty- 
five  south  ;  out  of  this  the  Shawnees  have  the  liberty 
to  select  for  each  individual,  of  every  age,  two  hun 
dred  acres,  wherever  they  may  choose  to  select  it, 
within  this  last-mentioned  tract,  as  a  permanent  home 


SHAWNEE    INDIANS.  311 

for  them — each  family  selecting  the  tracts  as  near 
together  as  convenient.  The  Shawnees,  by  the  treaty, 
cede  all  this  tract  to  government,  (as  it  is  now  in  their 
name  deeded  by  government,)  then,  in  order  to  make 
their  lights  good  for  these  two  hundred  acres  each, 
the  United  States,  after  the  selections  are  made,  are 
to  deed  to  each  one  his  or  her  tract  of  two  hundred 
acres,  in  fee-simple,  and  then,  in  five  years,  (unless 
the  Shawnees,  who  now  live  in  the  south  end  of  Kan- 
zas  Territory,  choose  to  settle  on  it,)  it  is  to  be  sold, 
and  the  proceeds  go  to  the  Shawnee  nation. 

I  consider  the  Shawnees  made  a  treaty,  in  this 
case,  which  was  worth  more  to  them  than  all  the 
treaties  they  ever  made,  if  they  can  only  get  leave  to 
remain  on  this  land — which  is  among  the  uncertain 
things  which  are  in  the  future. 

In  this  treaty,  government  paid  the  Shawnees,  for 
damages  from  the  whites,  the  sum  of  $27,000. 


312 


HISTORY    OF    THB 


CHAPTER   IIII. 


OSAGE   WEDDING. 

WHILE  residing  as  agent  among  the  Osage  Indians, 
in  1850,  I  was  invited,  with  my  family,  to  attend  a 
wedding.  The  marriage  was  between  two  half-breeds, 
both  of  whom  were  educated— one  at  the  Harmony 
Mission,  and  the  other  at  the  Osage  Catholic  Mission. 
The  marriage  was  to  be  consummated  at  the  Catholic 
Mission,  after  their  order.  The  young  man's  parents 
resided  about  five  miles  distant  from  the  Mission. 

The  parties,  very  politely,  both  invited  us  to  be 
present  on  the  occasion,  and  offered  to  send  their  ox- 
teams  and  wagoners,  and  haul  us,  but  we  had  con 
veyances  of  our  own.  About  ten  in  the  morning,  all 
parties  repaired  to  the  Catholic  church.  The  cere 
mony  was  administered  by  the  priest,  "and  advice  on 
the  occasion,  and  prayer,  etc.,  attended  to,  when  the 
meeting  was  dismissed  and  the  company  set  off  for 
the  "dinner-place."  The  married  couple  rode  fore 
most,  and  next,  their  two  attendants— all  dressed 
very  nicely  and  costly,  and  on  fine  horses — then  the 
company  promiscuously,  some  in  horse-wagons,  some 
in  ox-wagons,  others  on  horseback,  and  many  on 


8HAWNEE    INDIANS.  313 

foot — dogs  by  the  score,  too.  Altogether  the  com 
pany  extended  for  a  considerable  distance,  and  made 
a  very  antic  appearance  indeed. 

On  arriving  at  the  residence  of  the  young  woman, 
and  observing  this  singular  company  all  gathered  in 
and  around  the  house,  I  was  struck  with  the  novel 
sight:  there  were  dragoons,  in  uniform,  from  Fort 
Scott,  Frenchmen,  Cherokees,  Quapaws,  Senecas, 
Caws,  Osages,  Negroes,  and  American  citizens,  all 
there,  mingling  together,  conversing  in  seven  or  eight 
different  languages,  and  having- as  many  different 
complexions.  Every  kind  of  dress,  from  the  richest 
silk  and  broadcloth  to  the  old  dirty  blanket.  There 
were  ponies,  mules,  jacks,  horses,  oxen,  and  dogs,  to 
any  number,  and  fighting  each  other  all  round. 

All  seemed  to  enjoy  themselves  well,  except  one 
man,  a  half-breed  Osage  and  generally  a  clever  fel 
low,  who  had  got  whisky,  was  drunk,  and  very  mad ; 
for  some  time  he  appeared  to  be  dangerous,  but  at 
length,  finding  that  the  agent  would  have  him  arrest 
ed,  he  became  quiet  and  there  was  no  more  trouble 
with  him  that  day. 

Soon  dinner  was  ready.  There  was  placed  in  the 
yard  a  table,  about  sixty  feet  long,  which  was  lite 
rally  loaded  with  dishes  and  victuals  of  an  excellent 
quality,  and  very  well  done  up,  too,  but  then  there 
was  trouble  there,  for  the  hundreds  of  dogs,  which 
had  made  their  appearance  on  the  ground,  by  this 
time  wanted  to  be  eating,  too.  Provision  though  had 
been  made  for  this  anticipated  contingency,  so  those 
little  fellows  had  to  wait  till  their  turn  might  come 


314  HISTORY    OF    THE 

round;  there  was  a  tall  young  Osage  gentleman, 
dressed  in  a  clean  white  blanket  from  his  hips  down, 
and  his  upper-half  naked  and  checkered  oft'  with 
antique  figures  made  with  red  paint,  his  face  and  his 
head  painted  as  red  as  paint  could  make  them,  and 
not  a  hair  on  his  head  except  a  small  knot  on  the  top. 
There  he  sat,  large  as  life,  about  the  middle  of  the 
table,  with  a  nice  long  whip,  made  for  the  occasion, 
and  which  was  long  enough  to  reach  to  each  end  of 
the  table.  This  whip  he  used  very  dextrously,  and 
many  a  poor  dog  suffered  by  it.  There  he  sat,  with 
all  the  dignity  imaginable,  in  his  new  office. 

While  the  dinner- table  was  being  made  ready  for 
the  whites  and  the  more  favored  class  of  guests,  there 
were,  I  should  guess,  about  twenty  cooking-fires, 
in  and  about  the  yard,  where  the  common  Indian 
women  were  cooking  their  own  dinners.  They  had  a 
number  of  large  beeves  killed.  Those  who  were 
cooking  at  these  outside  fires,  had  large  pieces  of 
beef  stuck  upon  stakes  before  the  fires,  and  were 
broiling  them  before  these  fires ;  large  kettles  of  soup 
were  boiling  over  the  coals,  and  any  quantity  of  cof 
fee  making,  too,  in  kettles.  Now  there  was  no  dog- 
master  allotted  to  these  places,  and  those  half-starved 
creatures  must  eat  somewhere.  The  man  at  the  table 
beat  them  away  from  there,  and  then  they  would 
run  straight  to  the  other  cooking-places.  The  Indian 
dogs  are  generally  remarkably  tractable,  but  here 
were  many  young  ones  who  were  not  used  to  such 
crowds  and  were  not  well  trained,  and  probably  felt 
a  good  deal  like  many  of  their  owners  did,  that,  as 


8HAWNEE    INDIANS.  316 

there  was  plenty,  on  every  hand,  they  would  make 
sure  of  one  full  meal  anyhow. 

The  women  had  a  hard  time,  and  were  to  be  pitied. 
The  children  would  be  continually  dipping  their 
little  dirty  hands  into  everything,  which  was  bad 
enough  to  bear,  but  then,  the  dogs  would  push  their 
noses  right  in  the  soup,  or  pull  at  the  broiling  beef; 
but  they  paid  dear  for  their  morsel,  for  the  cook 
being  furnished  with  a  long  heavy  paddle,  with  which 
she  kept  the  soup  or  coffee  in  motion,  would  just  as 
sure  paddle  the  dog  on  the  head  or  back,  as  ever  he 
put  himself  about  the  victuals,  and  not  be  much 
troubled  either,  as  she  would  put  her  paddle  right 
back,  and  not  be  at  the  trouble  of  cleaning  it  at  all. 

When  the  dinner  was  ready,  the  newly-married 
couple  were  seated  very  cleverly  at  the  table,  and  most 
of  the  whites  and  half-breeds  too  ate  at  the  same  table  ; 
which  was  well  attended  to  by  the  cooks,  and  all 
were  very  orderly,  though  a  great  deal  of  talking 
went  round,  and  I  may  add,  that  the  eating  con 
tinued  until  dark.  I  believe  I  never  saw  as  much 
provision  consumed  in  one  afternoon  before. 

Great  respect  was  shown  to  us,  and  indeed  they 
gave  the  preference  to  the  white  people  entirely. 

After  the  first  table  was  through  with  dinner,  an 
old  black  man,  who  could  understand  and  converse  in 
the  Osage  language  as  well  as  an  Indian  could,  and 
could  make  all  the  fun  /  desired,  drew  out  his 
fiddle,  and  the  young  people  had  a  real  dance  till  we 
left,  near  night,  and,  as  I  learned  from  others,  nearly 
the  whole  night.  * 


316  HISTORY   OF    THE    SHAWNEE    INDIANS. 

Those  of  the  Indians,  who  had  to  cook  and  eat  on 
the  ground,  appeared  just  as  happy  as  those  who 
were  more  favored,  and  such  as  were  not  invited  at 
all  took  no  offense  at  being  slighted. 

There  was  a  great  expense  attending  this  marriage, 
which,  according  to  the  Osage  rule,  has  to  be  borne 
by  the  young  man  who  has  been  so  fortunate  as  to 
get  a  wife. 

There  was  an  old  Indian  woman  who  went  about, 
the  whole  afternoon,  among  the  crowd,  shouting  and 
chanting  in  the  Osage  language,  which  I  could  not 
understand.  This  woman,  as  I  was  informed,  was 
hired  for  that  purpose,  and  paid  for  her  services  a 
horse  and  many  other  articles. 

I  believe  about  four  hundred  people  ate  dinner  at 
that  singular  wedding. 

I  learned  that  some  of  the  Indians  remained  on 
the  ground  until  everything  fit  to  eat  was  consumed. 


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